Published April 4, 2016
A radical exploration of the ancient origins of philosophical thought. Much of the evidence for the long history of philosophy never features in the modern academic curriculum. My books are available from major retailers, including Apple Books, Barnes and Noble, Kobo, and also direct from Smashwords. Not available from Amazon.
Thursday, 31 March 2016
Wednesday, 16 March 2016
Beyond Mathematics and Geometry
[This is one of twenty-one essays in the book Man and the Divine, published in August 2018. The book is available in ePub format from leading retailers of eBooks, such as Barnes & Noble, Blio, Kobo, Itunes, Inktera, Smashwords, etc. Information about Man and the Divine can be found here]
The distinction between what is phenomenal, and what is
noumenal, is a major idea in the philosophical outlook of Kant, who pointed out
that what things actually are is not only generally unknown to us, but is in
many cases actually unknowable.
The argument about this can be quite complex, since not only
are there often many simple obstacles to understanding what a thing is, once
the observer starts to think in terms of a contrast between a phenomenal
representation of what that thing is, and the actual nature of the thing in
itself (the noumenon), we become aware of just how little we may know or
understand of the relationship between the two. The world is represented to us
through the senses, and is interpreted in terms of the categories of
understanding which we use to make sense of this information. But how that interpretation relates to what is represented to us in this way is mysterious. Speaking of
representation is a good way of reminding ourselves that how something appears,
and how it is in itself, is a matter of a conflation of the representation of a
thing, and the conventions about what it is, or might be, which exist within
the categories of our understanding.
So when we see a tree, we, as a matter of convention, treat
the tree and its appearance as what the tree is, because in normal
circumstances, there is not likely to be a conflict between our understanding
of what is being represented to us by our understanding of the sense data
available to us. The appearance fits with the categories of knowledge and
understanding which we bring to bear on our experience.
Kant was not the first to observe that there was a
distinction between appearance and reality, and between what is understood of a
phenomenon by convention, and what the real nature of a thing is, This was a
recurring thread in the development of Greek philosophy. Their understanding of
the nature of their world was framed within the context of divine powers and
agencies, so the idea that reality was hidden from the human understanding was
highly developed among the Greeks and other ancient societies.
A question which is sometimes posed to children to
illustrate the idea that the representation of something isn’t the same as what
it is, is: ‘what is the colour of grass?’ The answer will usually be returned quickly, and
be ‘green’. But of course grass isn’t
green. We see grass because the blades reflect particular wavelengths of light
more strongly than others, and absorb some wavelengths. So we don’t see what
colour grass actually is. In fact we are prompted to ask what we mean by an
entity having a property of colour at all. Grass absorbs red transmitted light,
and reflects green light, and those are the properties involved in our
apprehension of the colour of the grass. We don’t know what the colour of grass
in itself is, or even if it is an appropriate question, but we can describe the
processes involved in how we apprehend it.
The categories of our understanding serve us from our
earliest years, but in a simple form. The development of critical intelligence
is the consequence of learning that what is presented to the mind and
understanding is often more complex than it appears to be. What we need from
our understanding at age six is hopelessly inadequate for us at age twenty. We
learn (with the aid of education) to reprogramme the categories of our
understanding so that we can process the information in a more sophisticated
way than we did at six, and are no longer the prisoners of the illusion that
the direct presentation of a thing is the thing itself.
This process of separating ourselves from an interpretation
of the world in terms of simple apprehension is driven initially by the
practical necessities of our existence. But this process does not need to stop
there. Intelligence consists in being able to adjust the categories of our
understanding so that we do not mistake one thing for another. It is a mental
development which might have no end. This is essentially how Kant understood human intellectual development, which he framed (in his Prolegomena) in terms of a
general theory of a priori concepts, not based on empirical sense data, or even a mathematical or geometric understanding of anything in the world. These a
priori concepts can have a relationship with sense data and form in the
phenomenal world, but they are not derived from these objects and constructs,
and can be understood only as concepts entirely stripped of everything which
would give them phenomenal or mathematical reality.
What is proposed in the Prolegomena is that real
intelligence and understanding is what is shown to the mind by the mind alone,
and that these concepts make sense only as purely mental constructs,
manipulated and understood by the mind.
So Kant was talking about understanding what is beyond all
representation, except in terms of mental abstractions, shorn of scalar and
mathematical properties. They are entirely a priori abstractions. The focus of
Kant’s metaphysics therefore is the noumenal reality behind all phenomenal
appearance. This form of metaphysics he regarded as the basis of a scientific
understanding of reality, and that all approaches to understanding the world
through how it presents itself to us are faulty, and will not tell us what we
may wish to know about what lies behind appearance.
Labels:
a priori,
Abstraction,
Categories,
Convention,
Geometry,
Kant,
Mathematics,
Metaphysics,
Nature,
Noumen,
Phenomenon,
Prolegomena,
Reality,
Representation,
unknowable
Tuesday, 15 March 2016
An Uneven Distribution: Research and Scholarly Resources in the 21st Century (I)
There are lots of digital resources out there for scholars
and students of ancient history and ancient languages, which are my main
interests. A really useful searchable version of the classic Liddell and Scott Greek lexicon for
example, and the wonderful resources at the Perseus project; the electronic
corpus of Sumerian literature at Oxford (ETCSL), The Sumerian Dictionary at the University of Pennsylvania (PSD), the
Melammu database on Assyria and Babylonia at the University of Helsinki, the Thesaurus Linguae Graecae, (TLG), which
gives access to the whole corpus of Greek literature from Homer onwards to the
fall of Constantinople in 1453 CE, and so on. Most of which I had occasion to
use in the course of writing The Sacred History of Being.
My bread and butter for many years was in scholarly
communications – we built and ran repositories and encouraged open access
deposit of scholarly papers in those repositories. Open access, for anyone who
doesn’t know, is an important subset of digital publishing, which is about
improving the circulation and use of research by taking it from behind a
publisher paywall, where possible.
The presence of papers available on open access terms with
the appropriate licenses has been invaluable for many researchers, including
myself. The physics community knows this better than any other part of
academia, since they have had the facilities to upload their papers to Paul
Ginsparg’s Arxiv, formerly run as a
site using the File Transfer Protocol (FTP), a repository of electronic
preprints (note the archaic description!) originally based at Los Alamos from
1991, and at Cornell since 2004 . Papers are available via a searchable
interface shortly after uploading. CERN has also maintained an active
repository in High Energy Physics for many years. To some significant extent, the
Web itself owes the necessity of its invention to the need to find an easy way
to organise and disseminate the large collection of papers generated by the
research done at CERN.
The publishing community naturally was not very happy about
the idea, when it began to be more generally promoted as a solution to a number
of problems in contemporary scholarly communication, since it threatened the
subscription fees that the publishers charge the academic libraries, if all
research was to end up freely available in institutional repositories, or
otherwise on author websites. Without those subscription fees, commercial
publishing would find itself largely cut adrift from the academic business of
doing research, and disseminating that research.
In the early days, some minor concessions were made by the
publishing community, in that they would perhaps offer a downloadable
unformatted version of a paper in addition to the formally published paper,
behind a paywall. Sometimes ‘unformatted’ was taken to extremes, so that the
papers were virtually unreadable. Formatting information was present visibly in
the text, cluttering the view, but not contributing anything useful to the documents.
Formatting became the thing that the publishers clung on to,
as their main value-added contribution to the publishing process, in addition
to copy-editing and the organisation of peer-review. They also clung to the
practice of authors signing away their copyright in the published articles as
part of the acceptance of the article for publication. So along the way we
ended up with distinctions being made between preprints and post-prints; the
author’s final copy, and the publisher’s final copy; green and gold routes to
open access publication; and the invention of rules concerning what authors and
institutions could and couldn’t do with these different versions. From the
publisher point of view, they argued that what they were doing was maintaining
the integrity and quality of the publishing process, and their important role
in that. Then we ended up with the invention of article processing charges,
which attempted to envelop the research publication process entirely within
publisher dictated assessments of cost.
Naturally I’ve compressed a number of years of development in the foregoing,
but that is the broad shape of the struggle which has developed since the late
1990s. The publishing community cannot be blamed for attempting to protect
their interests, but ultimately it seems to be obvious that research should not
be a free resource for publishers which can be used to extract increasingly
expensive subscriptions from university libraries. In theory at least, it
should be about the quality of scholarship, and its dissemination.
Unfortunately that is not the perspective of many university
administrators and senior academics. Early on in the progress of open access,
it became possible to see how the community would divide. We spent a lot of
time talking to senior academics, with the idea that if we persuaded them of
worth of the open access idea, they would encourage their research students to
stop signing away their copyrights, and to deposit their work in institutional
repositories. Some were interested. Others responded with the specious
objection that If they wanted a paper to make an impact they would submit it to
Nature, or another publication of similar status. As if we were suggesting that
no-one should submit papers to high status, high-impact publications. But that
fracture in the nature of the response was a phenomenon which should have told
us something important about how senior academics understand publishing, and
how open access would fare in succeeding years. It’s about status and its modern
double, research funding.
Eventually open access began to be promoted as an aspect of
institutional reputation management, which of course is about how an
institution and its component faculties and departments are perceived. Of
course a perception of quality is not necessarily the same thing as quality
itself, so reputation management is more problematic than a real assessment of
research output. Publish or perish was an attitude which was already well
established In UK academia however, and reputation management became another
way to raise an institutional profile, even if the quality of the research was
not clarified by doing this. ‘Width’ was also important.
A little later, repository technology was spotted as a way
of automating the submission of a sample of research papers in what was called
the Research Assessment Exercise (RAE). So the deposit of papers in a
repository became an important part of the way in which universities would be
assessed for research funding. Open access was now about academics not keeping research
information (and their papers) hidden away in their departmental records, but
making them available to the institution as a whole, as a component of both the
institution’s reputation management, and its pursuit of research funding.
So open access, and the associated technology, in the end
became an adjunct to the already established importance of reputational status
and the acquisition of government research income for the universities. Yet it still
isn’t regarded as a proper publishing route. Is this a strange state of affairs? I think it
is, and I will write about this in my
next post.
Thomas Yaeger, March 2016
Labels:
Arxiv,
CERN,
Digital Publishing,
ETCSL,
Open Access,
Perseus,
Publishing,
REF,
Repositories,
Reputation Management,
Research Funding,
Scholarly Communication,
TLG,
UPenn
Saturday, 12 March 2016
Recasting the History of Thought: J.G. Frazer's 'Golden Bough'
In the 1980s I had read the two volume version of The Golden Bough, miraculously reduced from thirteen volumes by the expedient of removing all the footnotes, and was struck by the absence of any discussion of a relationship between magical patterns of thought and ideas of divinity and Being. I knew about the existence of this relationship principally from an interest in Platonism in the European Renaissance. But there was a puzzling absence of discussion of these ideas. In The Golden Bough, patterns of magical thought are discussed in terms of the association of ideas; as a phenomenon of human thought, rather than as something which is a corollary of a model of reality.
Frazer was a
disciple of John Locke, who originated the idea of the association of ideas,
and he understood the functioning of the human mind in such terms. His earlier criticism of Plato is largely along the lines that, since he did not have this
understanding of the nature of mind, he mistakenly converted an epistemology
into an ontology. Since having the capacity to think of a thing and give it a
name, does not give it reality, Plato had made a fundamental error.
Frazer also shared Locke’s interest in the
progress of man, and imagined that the technical and industrial production of
the British Empire represented how far the human race had come. Philosophy for
Frazer was about practical things. It is clear in the text of The Golden Bough that the idea of
progress was seen by him in two ways - he drew a parallel between the gulf
between the ideas of the ancients and of modern man, and the social and intellectual
conditions in contemporary society, where the intellectual difference between those
at the top and those at the bottom was likely to be just as great. In both
cases, we should find frightful things, if we dig down deep.
Finding and providing
explanations for both the existence and the nature of those frightful things
was a major part of his work. He wanted to put unbridgeable distance between
ourselves, the inheritors of enlightenment rationalism, and the ancient
cultures whose ways of understanding the world were based on intellectual
error. And that intellectual error he in part explained in The Golden Bough, treating magical thought entirely in terms of
ideas of sympathy and contagion, or the faulty association of ideas in the
ancient mind.
Did Frazer not know
about the relationship between magic and the idea of Being? He was extremely
well read, as his work testifies, so this is hard to believe. And I do not
think I believe it. He wrote a study of Plato's work early in his career. He ought to have noticed the crucial passage in the Laws (XI, 933), where Plato clearly
distinguishes between two levels of magic, and the penalties for each:
...it is not easy to know the nature of all these things; nor if a man do know can he readily persuade others to believe him. And when men are disturbed in their minds at the sight of waxen images fixed either at their doors, or in a place where three ways meet, or upon the sepulchres of parents, there is no use trying to persuade them that they should despise all such things because they have no certain knowledge about them... he who attempts to... enchant others knows not what he is doing... unless he happens to be a prophet or diviner.
Leaving out of The Golden Bough any consideration of
the idea of magic as something whose nature depended on the nature of Being was
a choice he made. It was not a choice forced on him by the evidence.
In writing The Golden Bough Frazer was transforming
ancient thought about the world and its underlying reality into examples of
intellectual error, and by the parallels he made with ‘savage’ thought, through
his definition of magic, he sealed the case against the thought of the ancient
world. Frazer did this by writing a thirteen volume implicit denial that magic had ever been an idea associated with
the idea of Being. Though the elephant in the room (Being) was never directly
discussed.
The agenda of the
classicists from the outset of the (mainly German) professionalization of the
discipline in the middle of the eighteenth century, was, in part, to recast the
significance of classical Greece, and classical thought. They wanted to render Greek civilization as something distinctly european, and not something belonging to the cultural orbit of the east. This meant a
purification of sorts, an alchemical transformation of the cultural realities in classical Greece.
This purification
necessarily involved a degree of fabrication, a falsification of the actual nature
of Classical Greece. Aspects of the history of this falsification were
discussed in Martin Bernal’s Black Athena of 1987, which had the word ‘fabrication’
in the subtitle. A large number of features of classical civilization could not
be outright denied, since they were very common in the body of evidence. The
worship of divine statues could not be questioned or denied; sacrifice was a
regular feature of importance in public and private life, performed at every
important juncture. Magic likewise, was a feature of ancient life at all levels
of society.
However classical
civilization could be purified in part by changing the interpretation of how
these things came to have significance to the ancient Greeks. The answer was
plain: the Greeks were prone to a degree of irrationality in their public and
private lives. So, the divine statue of a god as a place inhabited by the
divine was a mistake, possibly the result of failing to distinguish between the
image of a thing, and the thing itself.
The idea of the reality of the plethora of gods themselves was also a
mistake, where the Greeks converted ideas of natural forces and powers into
personifications of these things. Likewise all the other strange practices
could be ascribed to an irrationality, a primitive stupidity, for which the
Germans have a very ugly word.
Frazer was a late contributor to this process of purification. But in writing The Golden Bough, he applied Locke’s theory of the association of ideas to the relatively new subject of
anthropology. So the strange beliefs were ascribed to a failure to distinguish
between things which had the appearance of similarity, but were in fact
different, or to a mistaken notion of contagion, in which things which were
once in contact, are understood to be still in contact (the lock of hair, the parings of
fingernails, etc.)
All ritual action
throughout history could thus be explained as intellectual error, along with
the very idea of the sacred. Even now, patterns of behaviour and belief are
understood by anthropologists in terms of the product of intellectual
associations, which may be the outcome of local cultural social dynamics, or
even some kind of pathological response to the world. They aren’t looking for a
rational explanation for ritual and sacred phenomena arising from an idea of
Being.
By the process of
purification it became possible to argue that the real achievement of the
Greeks could be understood in terms of the quality of their philosophical thought; and the
interpretation of their sculpture, along with their architecture, in terms of
aesthetics and proportion. Their literature and language could be appreciated in terms of
style. All of which could be approached with minimal taint from the
irrationality of other aspects of Greek culture. What resulted from this
process was the cultural gold which the scholars were after.
[revised text, April 10, 2016]
[revised text, April 10, 2016]
Labels:
Association of Ideas,
Being,
Civilization,
Classics,
Divine Cult,
Frazer,
Golden Bough,
Gottingen,
J.G. Frazer,
John Locke,
Philosophy,
Plato,
Ritual,
Statues,
Thought
Friday, 11 March 2016
The Idea of the Plenum in Babylon
The Babylonian Creation was twofold. The first creation was the product of a plenum, and describes a hail of impossible animals tumbling out of it, with features and limbs which were interchangeable, resulting in some creatures which were utterly fantastic. The creation is from a plenum, because all the characteristics of living creatures are already present, though the way these characteristics are distributed is the stuff of nightmares. This first creation was without reason and rational order, and chaotic.
We are also told that the creatures shared each others
features. This is another characteristic of a plenum. All things can pass into
everything else. Nothing is fixed. The initial state of the world does not have
fixity of any sort.
Were the gods already present? Some of them were, at least
in a sense. The Babylonians had the idea that they could call gods into
existence, by naming and describing them, and performing ritual which set them
up in the Babylonian Heaven.
There is a curious aspect to the Babylonian
creation story, in that the god Marduk, who became the head of the pantheon of
Gods, and was the defining power for the organisation of the second creation,
was said to have been ‘held prisoner’ during the time of the first creation.
This imprisonment can be understood in at least two ways. First of all, if
Marduk had been active at the time of the first creation, why would he have
allowed its irrational nature? Therefore it was decided that the explanation
for his inaction was that he was not free to act. A second interpretation of
his imprisonment may be that the initial irrational creation was inevitable,
and had to happen before it was possible to establish good order. Something
about the first creation resulted in his release and his presence.
In either case, the idea of the plenum is indicated, and in its most pure form.
The gods in the Babylonian creation story are indicative of
abstract powers and properties, and some of them have reality before the advent
of the second creation. Anshar, is King of Heaven for example (in fact he has
no name as such, since An Shar is the description ‘King of Heaven’. It is important
to know what he is). The Babylonian
Heaven is clearly the underlying plenum, where all things are present as
potencies, so Anshar is the abstraction of the potency of the plenum. In the
complex narrative of the liturgy for the New Year Festival, Anshar is father to
Marduk, but Marduk is also presented as the equal of Anshar. In fact as Anshar
himself. Marduk is also the equal of other important gods representing abstract
ideas in the earliest times of the creation.
Description of these early gods natures, associations, and
actions is a way for the Babylonians to discuss and understand the nature of
the plenum from which the gods emerged. What Marduk eventually became as head
of the Babylonian pantheon, described in the passage in the liturgy known as 'The Fifty Names of Marduk', is the totality of the powers of Anshar and the other
gods, and therefore signifies that Marduk embodies the character of the
underlying pleroma.
After Marduk established control, and began to call the
other gods into existence, these later gods now represent something like a
human understanding of the world, and how it might be made. The gods represent in abstract form the good
things in human life and social organisation. Each god is represented as an
aspect of Marduk and his exemplification of good kingship. Thus the gods names
and descriptions indicate that he supplies places of refuge for man, the
cultivation of crops, the provision of quays and landings for trade, the
maintenance of good order in the world, and so on.
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