Showing posts with label Alexander Thom. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Alexander Thom. Show all posts

Tuesday, 2 March 2021

The 'Hill of Many Stanes'




[An extract from a conversation with a correspondent in the US, from May and June, 2020, shortly after 'The Mathematics of the Megalithic Yard' was completed.] 

On Monday, June 1, 2020, 09:31:47 AM PDT, Thomas Yaeger [....] wrote:

[....], hi. Thanks for your mail. I'm going to respond to it in separate mails, since there is a lot to say. Interleaved, as usual (bad academic habit!)

At 06:03 29/05/2020, [....]  wrote:


Hi Thomas,
Sorry I haven't responded sooner. I've been working on a response to your article (& other emails) about the Megalithic Yard and didn' t want to write again until I had made some progress. I'm probably making it into too much of a project lol. [....} So, I'll send what I have for now (including other stuff I've been putting in a draft) and get it off to you. Sorry if it doesn't do justice to your arguments. 
[....] 
Your argument is very compelling and interesting. It seems like a real breakthrough although, naturally, I'm not enough of an expert to judge!

I think it is a real breakthrough, but it took a while to make it (as I said, the article was written in about a day and a half, after thinking it through for around two years). Developments are happening very fast now, which is interfering with my writing programme.


. I understand that math as such isn't the point of your argument, it's more about what Euler's number signified, right?

Yes. It's Euler's number, what it represents, and how they calculated it in the 2nd and 1st millennia BCE. I think I've changed my mind about how much Alexander Thom actually knew. I think he knew that it was a pointer towards the idea of the infinite. But he did not know that in those ancient days the ideas of the divine, the infinite, and reality itself were regarded as coterminous, and were just different ways of speaking about the same thing (which is an understanding which still survives in Hindu thought and religion). So for Thom, he could see the mathematics, but didn't understand the idea of reality itself as a primal fulness, or a plenum, and why that would engage ancient interest.

There is in Scotland a site near John O'Groats which is known as 'the hill of many stanes', which has remained uncleared since the neolithic. In the documentary he says he is impressed by what the builders of the circles were able to do without pen and paper, and logarithms. But that without such constructions (as the 'hill of many stanes') 'you can't really do it'.

What was he talking about in this short insert into the documentary? He doesn't explain what the small stones were for, or how they were used. I think I understand now that the field of stones was used to calculate Euler's number, in the context of an engineering construction. That site needs extensive re-evaluation.

Thom's book publications are very plain and not dogged with interpretation. I think he realised that what he could do, and get away with, was to draw attention to the fact that something very interesting and mathematically disciplined was happening in the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age, but the whole thing was just too big a pill to swallow for the academic community. He held back.


One thing that interests me is people's motivations, in particular, which of their psychological needs are being served by engaging in different courses of thought and action. I assume that people have always been curious about life and the world (some more than others, of course!), but what struck me about what you wrote is people's need for or a sense of order and structure in order to feel a degree of safety in a world that is challenging to fathom.

 It depends on where you are in society. Sometimes, as now people are told convenient lies (there is no money!), or circumspect evasions. Ancient priesthoods, because of their picture of the world, understood themselves to be dealing with the nature of reality itself. Neophytes would be chosen from all levels of society, since it was necessary to put a premium on intelligence, in order to join the worlds and make the incommensurate commensurate. Reality itself was the home of all knowledge, and all possibility. You can't deal with that without intelligence. The rest of society would have to make do with what Plato described as likelihoods, because they were too far from an understanding of reality.

Thom was not a classicist or a historian, so he did not know (as most modern scholars still don't) that ancient religion was about *knowledge* (scientia). The ancient priesthoods understood themselves to be dealing with knowledge, and that their activity was a science. That's all changed, but we continue to project modern religious intellectual weaknesses into the ancient past.

Thanks for the photographs.

More later,

Best,Thomas

Thursday, 12 March 2020

Meaning and Function in the British Neolithic (Writing to Paul Devereux)




Date: Fri, 14 Feb 2020 20:23
To: PAUL DEVEREUX 
From: Thomas Yaeger 
Subject: The Mathematical Origins of the Megalithic Yard


Dear Paul,

Hi. You might be interested in the following blogpost, which looks at why the supposed 'megalithic yard' has the dimensions it has. It takes an entirely different approach to both Thom's surveys and Ruggles later efforts (not statistical analysis, which doesn't do much except expose the general parameters of something which might exist), and which avoids (to a large extent at least), the risk of selection bias. These seem to be the main complaints.

What I've done is to take an entirely new approach, which looks at the megalithic yard as something which serves a function in the context of megalithic structures, and which has a strict mathematical relation to what we already know about these structures (the focus on whole numbers, the use of pythagorean triangles in their construction, and the fact that they are often deformed in various ways, in order to achieve commensuration between the sides of the triangles and the circumference of the circles).

There is a view of reality buried in pythagoreanism, which emerges from the mathematics. This is true both for the later Pythagoreanism of the sixth century BCE, and for the earlier proto-pythagoreanism, since the mathematics are the same, and the interests in the mathematics are essentially the same. That's where the megalithic yard comes from, and I describe this in the post.

I'm afraid the text is as dense as in the paper I submitted to 'Time and Mind' a couple of years ago (it is a tricky subject), but I've kept the necessary mathematics to the bare minimum. It is just under 5k words, so you will need about an hour to digest it.

....

The post is 'The Mathematical Origins of the Megalithic Yard', and is at: https://t.co/BiLRKVq5O1

Hope you are well!

Best regards, Thomas Yaeger

Answers to Questions (Writing to Euan MacKie)





(Photo by Simon Ledingham, May 2005)


Date: Wed, 11 Mar 2020 20:35
To: Euan.MacKie
From: Thomas Yaeger
Subject: The Mathematical Origins of the Megalithic Yard


Euan,

Hi. You might be interested in looking at this article, 'The Mathematical Origins of the Megalithic Yard'  http://shrineinthesea.blogspot.com/2020/02/the-mathematical-origins-of-megalithic.html  

Which I think may be the definitive answer to a number of questions about the construction and purpose of megalithic circles. Obviously this article is subject to criticism, which is fine, and I would be grateful for any comments you may care to make. 

I got to this point over seven years of rumination, and several articles on the Neolithic and patterns of thought in the Neolithic, in so far as they might be inferred from both the archaeological remains, and what ancient writers said about Britain before the Romans arrived.

I was given a classical education at school in Edinburgh (minus Greek literature), and a wider education at UCL later, where I studied Rome, Greece, and the Greek language. As well as Mesopotamia, Egypt and other cultures. My particular interest has always been Greek philosophy. Eventually I found my way back to an interest in British prehistory. I was struck by some of the things which Alexander Thom found through a phenomenological analysis, about the mindset of the Neolithic architects, because they echoed ideas which are commonplace in later Greek philosophy (the importance of the idea that reality itself is necessarily unchanging, meaning the idea of the 'One'; and of Totality, and the importance of commensurate values, and the significance of the fact that commensurate values are sometimes lacking in the physical world, etc.). I've written extensively about the Pythagoreanism of the 1st millennium BCE. Much of which came from the ANE, during Pythagoras's travels. Mainly, but not exclusively from Egypt. It is a technical substrate of Egyptian religion, which Pythagoras imported into his view of the world, after (reputedly, according to the neoplatonists) twenty years of study in Egypt. Meaning that the pythagorean perspective is older than Pythagoras himself, and possibly of immense age.

What we have in the stone circles of the British Isles, is just such a technical substrate of ancient religion, written in mathematics and geometry. Personally, I think most religions got started this way, though we are a long way off from being able to say this for sure. It is not however an argument that is considered at all at the moment in archaeological circles. I think it should be considered, even if only to finally eliminate it for rational consideration.

[Other materials relevant to this article can be found by using the search box on my blog ["neolithic" will pick most of them up].

Best wishes, Thomas  

Friday, 14 February 2020

The Mathematical Origins of the Megalithic Yard




Did Alexander Thom discover interesting stuff about the British Neolithic, or was he deluded in what he thought he saw? The modern consensus among the archaeological community is that he discovered nothing of importance which was actually present in the evidence. This was supposedly shown by a large scale resurvey of the stone circles conducted by Clive Ruggles in the eighties. This resurvey was conducted with a great sensitiveness to the possibility of selection bias. This sensitivity was taken to such extremes however, that it would have been impossible to verify much of Thom’s surveying and interpretation as the archaeologist Euan Mackie has indicated.

That of course, was the point. We already had some nice models of antiquity which didn’t involve much in the way of interpretative mathematics, there was little interest in the precision which seemed to be present in an ancient preoccupation with the sky, and in the observation of rising and setting points, equinoxes and solstices, and in the nineteen year metonic cycle of the moon’s movements. The foresights which seemed to be used to indicate something of importance to the ancient astronomers and priests were largely ignored in the Ruggles resurvey. We liked the models we had before, and didn’t like or understand what might be implied in a British antiquity which was populated by mathematicians, engineers and astronomers who thought the sky was a key object of interest, and who threw vast resources at the construction of monuments whose purpose was hard to fathom.

After the resurvey of the monuments the archaeological community turned away from the questions which Thom’s original surveys and measurements had thrown up. Enough doubt had been sown to make the territory he had explored a matter of disinterest to the community, and entirely lacking in anything that archaeologists needed to consider. Whatever we could find out about the megalith builders would not be found out by following Thom’s lead. There is still interest out there in Thom’s work of course, but no-one is pursuing similar research within an academic context.

We know from Classical writers that the study of aporia was a matter of some interest to those interested in philosophy, mathematics and physics, discussed in Plato’s Sophist and the Timaeus, and also in Bk 3 of Aristotle’s Metaphysics. Pythagorean triangles are one kind of puzzle which could be explored, and it was evidently a matter of great interest in the Neolithic, since they used a number of the Pythagorean triangles, and not just the basic 3.4.5. instance. The 16 basic triangles can be enumerated as follows:

(3, 4, 5)  (5, 12, 13)  (8, 15, 17)  (7, 24, 25)

(20, 21, 29)  (12, 35, 37)  (9, 40, 41)  (28, 45, 53)

(11, 60, 61)  (16, 63, 65)  (33, 56, 65)  (48, 55, 73)

(13, 84, 85)  (36, 77, 85) (39, 80, 89) (65, 72, 97)

To us, these are just geometrical figures, and we don’t ask many questions about why these exist. But that was not the case in antiquity. For those engaging with these figures, they were puzzles. Why did these triangles with sides which were whole numbers meet and agree once two of the sides were squared and the hypotenuse was squared? Their sides don’t meet and agree when considered as triangles, yet they do when multiplied into their square values.

We also know from classical writers that there was a great deal of interest in the idea that things should ‘meet and agree’. Once of the most famous stories from antiquity concerns a conversation between Solon and Croesus, involving some bizarre mathematics to bring together the mathematics of the cosmos and the days of the life of a man. (Herodotus).

So looking at these stone circles as forms of puzzle, with some relation to the universe in which we live, and as objects which were intended in some way to meet and agree with that cosmos, may provide some answers.

I’ve written about some aspects of this before, in ‘Pythagorean Triples and the Generation of Space’. I quote some passages from it here:

In antiquity, it was obvious to anyone interested in number, mathematics and geometry, that there were several aspects of the physical world that involved irrationality, long before it was possible to provide logical proof of such irrationality. One of these irrationalities was the relationship between the diameter and the circumference of the circle. We know that irrationality (understood as an absence of commensuration) was a major concern in antiquity, since the existence of it seemed to undermine the idea that the world was rational, and constructed by the divine on rational principles. In other words, the existence of irrational things served to undermine the idea that the world made sense, and that it was good.
What we understand as Pythagoreanism is actually a way of approaching the world and reality on the basis of number, mathematics and geometry. We have lost a grasp of this, particularly since the close of the ancient world. Pythagorean ideas are not the creation of Pythagoras in the sixth century B.C.E., but a range of ideas about the world, focussing particularly on numbers and geometry, and the puzzles which the study of these throws up … As such, these ideas and puzzles belong to any culture which chooses to address the divine in terms of how the universe is constructed. As already suggested, the Babylonians had a sense of this, though they were also interested in the practical applications. It is also the case that the inhabitants of Britain in the late Neolithic and the early Bronze Age had such a sense.
…. Alexander Thom surveyed many of the megalithic circles across Britain from the 1930s into the 1970s, and established that the circles were constructed on the basis of a number of different Pythagorean triangles, and that these circles were not in fact circular. The circumferences of these circles were modified in order to make their lengths commensurate with the length of the sides of the underlying triangles.These modifications testify to the contemporary idea in ancient times that the incommensurate nature of diameter and circumference shouldn’t be the case.
I’ve written elsewhere that Pythagoreanism, whether in the sixth century or long before, was a transcendentalist view of the world. Meaning that the world of physics and appearance in which we live, is not reality itself, but simply a presentation of it. And the presentation of it is, in a number of ways, crooked. So some aspects of physical reality are not rational. 
This does not mean that the ancient Pythagoreans were pitching themselves against the workings of the divine, but rather that they were trying to understand why what they saw, experienced and understood, was not rational. The answer was that their place of refuge was not reality itself, but a false representation of it.
In the physical world, they could therefore not expect rationality to be woven all through it. Thom identified the obsessive concern of the ancient Britons with whole numbers, and as a consequence (though this was not understood at the time he was studying the megaliths), we know that they were looking to a world beyond the puzzles and paradoxes, in which the relationships of one thing to another were rational in nature.
The theorem of Pythagoras, however it was articulated in the late Neolithic and the early Bronze Age, provided the answer to this. The relationship between the sides of a 3, 4, 5 triangle is irrational in nature, but by squaring the sides, the result is rational and commensurate. This would have been understood to point to a world which transcended space, in that it indicated a one-dimensional reality.
 In that world, some things which are incommensurate here,were commensurate. Which they might have taken to indicate that, beyond that limited  form of reality, there was another reality with no dimensions at all, in which all irrational values existed as commensurate with one another.
Plato echoed a range of Pythagorean ideas in his work, including that reality itself exists in no particular place, has no form or shape or colour. He also suggested that forms existed beyond geometrical figures existing in space, and that these were to be accessed in the mind alone.
The Pythagoreans may have understood physical reality to have been generated as the square root of mathematical values in a higher reality. The resulting incommensuration would necessarily generate space. We could not possibly live in a reality which embraced only one dimension, or even none at all. In which case physical reality might have been understood by the ancient Pythagoreans as a compromise of sorts, which made it possible for mankind to live.
Alexander Thom didn’t know any of this of course. He was an engineer and mathematician. Intellectually he was enormously bright, curious, and industrious, but he was lacking basic information about the ancient past, just as many archaeologists were in the 60s and 70s. He gave us a phenomenological and statistical description of what he was seeing. He noted the obsession with whole numbers, the construction of the stone circles using various instances of Pythagorean triangles, and the fact that many of the circles were not in fact circles, but were modified ellipses and egg shapes, designed to make the circumferences commensurate with the values of the triangles used in their construction.

We can see now that what the megalith builders were up to is reflected in written texts from the 1st millennium B.C.E if we read them carefully. The three things noted by Thom are all discussed – the importance of whole numbers, the interest in the strange nature of Pythagorean triangles, and the importance of making the incommensurate commensurate with itself.

This actually means that the world of the megalith builders is (in theory at least) intellectually accessible to us, though the last circles were built in the 14th century BCE, or thereabouts, and the builders left no written records about anything, never mind the construction of their circles. Those three things we know for sure, are huge clues to what they understood about what they were doing.

In ‘Patterns of Thought in Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Britain’ I wrote that:

…. the syncretism of Pythagoras draws on mathematical and geometrical ideas, as well as religious ideas. We normally choose to keep these separate. We imagine that they are separate. However, it is …. clear that they perceived the necessary impact of the various puzzles and paradoxes which investigation of mathematics and geometry had on their view of reality. These were not parlour games.
Pythagoras was putting together a new religion, rather than a secular philosophy. It is unlikely to have occurred to him that a secular philosophy was possible, or for him to imagine what that would mean. We think of Pythagoras as a philosopher, because of how we understand what came after Pythagoras and his school. It is possible for us to so distinguish religion and philosophy, because we have lost sight of some very important aspects of how the gods were understood in antiquity. Pythagoras was well aware of the importance of the mathematical and geometrical aspects of religion, which is why he included them with the materials that we more naturally understand as religious ideas.
….
 Much of what we think we understand of ancient religion is the product of a more or less modern view, which sees a continuity between the religion of the common era and antiquity. So, since ’rational belief’ concerning the divine, rather than actual knowledge of the divine was (and is) of great importance in the major religions of the common era, it is assumed that ancient religions drew their strength from the same source, and are qualitatively similar phenomena. Modern scholarship is able to hold this view because, since the Enlightenment, we see the phenomenon of religion as irrational. The behaviour which supported ancient cultic life (sacrifice, divination by entrails, the worship of statues, etc.) is clearly more irrational than medieval religious practice, so there is little about it which demands the application of modern critical thought.
If belief is what is important in ancient religion, then we have missed nothing. If however there is a technical substrate to ancient religious thought, a substructure which depends on a combination of logical analysis, number theory, mathematics and geometry, then we have missed almost everything. Such a substructure does exist, and Pythagoras was aware of it, which is why religious precepts, number theory, mathematics and geometry were all present in the three books of Pythagoras.
It is possible to make a list of things which are part of this technical substructure in the religions of the ancient world.  These are:
Extremity, the Mean, Totality, Perfection, Completion, Invariance, Integral (whole) numbers, the Incorruptible, the Commensurate, Greatness, Rising, Setting, Beginning, Ending, Duration, Periodicity, Points of transformation. And so on.
This list illustrates some of the things have exemplars on both the earth, and in the sky. These characteristics would, within this conceptual model of Pythagoras, have been understood to provide points of contact, and a bridge to the divine.
Why would Pythagoras want to create a synthesis of key components of ancient religions? There are many possible reasons, but the most important may be the intention to restore the technical level of religious thought and practice, then experiencing a long slow decline, so that number, mathematics and geometry might serve again, to make sense of the transcendental understanding of reality.
Can we apply the content of this discussion to the Late Neolithic and the early Bronze age in Britain? If, for the purposes of argument, we make the assumption that just as Pythagorean number, mathematics, geometry, and the transcendentalist outlook were, in the mind of Pythagoras, necessarily connected with each other, these four things would also be present in megalithic culture in Britain and Gaul, for the reason that the missing piece in the record, the philosophical transcendentalism, is the necessary logical consequence of an understanding of number, mathematics, and geometry.
As we know from the studies made by Alexander Thom, the stone circles were built on the basis of various sizes of pythagorean right-angled triangles, and laid out with ropes of precise length. There has been some critical discussion of the ubiquity of the measure he described as the megalithic yard, which measured 2.72 feet, which he established by statistical analysis. However, if Thom identified different standard pythagorean triangles in the construction of different megalithic circles, all of which were based on the measure, then the presence and use of the measure is confirmed. It need not however, have been the only standard measure.
The construction process was designed and executed in such a way that the circumference of the circles, whether elliptical, egg-shaped, or flattened, would always be an integral number of the units used. This interest in integral numbers appears to have been universal among the builders of the circles. The connectivity the integral numbers opened to transcendent Being is the reason why this was important.
This transcendent reality, understood to lie behind the physical world of appearances and its paradoxes (such as the essential identity of commensurate and incommensurate values), would be the principle focus of the megalith builders interest, and the design of the megalithic structures would have been understood to serve the function of strengthening the connections between the two worlds. The transcendent world contains what is perfect, and the world of phenomena contains only approximations to such perfections. As Robin Heath pointed out in his account of Thom’s work, Cracking the Stone Age Code, the phenomenal world would have seemed to the megalith builders to be something of a crooked universe.
Looked at from this point of view, we can discern a significant motive in the geometrical construction of the major circles which Thom surveyed and analysed in detail. We can also begin to understand why there were different approaches to the construction of the circles, rather than a single standard design. In a crooked universe, there could be no universal answer to the problems they were trying to resolve. This universe is full of irrationality, simply because it is not the transcendent reality, but an imperfect representation of it. The irrationality could however be overcome in the physical world in specific instances of geometrical construction. In one case, by creating a design utilising an ellipse which measured precisely a specific multiple of the units employed in the pythagorean triangle used as the basis of the structure. In another, by making the structure egg-shaped, again with the same intention. The circle might also be flattened, in order to make the circumference commensurate with the units of the underlying triangle. 
But there is also the astronomical function of megalithic circles. As Thom identified, some are connected with the sun and its movements throughout the year. Others are keyed to the complex movements of the moon. For the later Pythagoreans, and for Plato, the heavens represented a moving image of eternity. For these earlier pythagoreans, the heavens would be understood in the same way, and for the same reason. A megalithic circle might therefore be conceived as a representation, in an abstracted form, of some the properties and attributes of Eternity. Eternity is something which is whole and complete, and returns into itself.
It therefore made sense to mark the extreme points of the movement of the heavenly bodies (which have their existence in the moving image of eternity), as a further embodiment of the connection between the worlds. These were constructed using only integral values, derived where possible, proportionately, from the movement of the heavens in relation to the earth. Heavenly cycles would be explored and represented in the structure where possible, together with indications of their periods. The motive for building the circles was performative, meaning that the structures served a set of religious functions on account of their existence and nature.
One of the objections made by the archaeologist Jaquetta Hawkes in the Chronicle documentary on Alexander Thom, made by the BBC in 1970, was that since the megalith builders did not have writing, there was no way of handing information on to succeeding generations. She also suggested that the inhabitants of the island during the period of megalithic culture were ‘simple farming communities... nomadic even’. But we know that the later Pythagoreans cultivated memory. We are also told in Caesar’s account that becoming a priest in the late 1st millennium involved many years of study (around twenty), during which time a vast amount of information was committed to memory. So Hawkes suggestion that there was an absence of a means of handing on information is likely to be false. The cultivation of memory is built into the pythagorean view of reality, since what exists in the mind was understood to be more real than what could be understood by the senses.
Alexander Thom reported that the standard measure used in the construction  of the megalithic circles was 2.72 feet. This was established on the basis of a statistical analysis of the data from his surveys. What is perhaps peculiar to us now about this value is that it is expressed in terms of English feet. But Thom had been doing his surveys for forty years or so, beginning long before the UK chose to use the metric system, so that is how he had been analysing data since he began. It was based on the traditional measures used in the UK as far back as anyone knew. We don’t know the origin of the English foot.

Land measures have been associated with kings since time immemorial, but the reasons for this have long been lost. Archaeologists do two things when discussing this question: they acknowledge the association with kings, but then reify, and argue that the value of the measure is literally the length of a king’s foot. This is ridiculous of course, since all kings are human beings, and of different proportions. But it enables them to argue that there is no universally agreed measure on lengths, and consequently no understanding of standard measures. The whole history of metrology argues against this, but it is convenient to dispose of such arguments by reference to the length of a particular king’s foot.

Archaeologists like the model of progress, which implies (actually requires) that the further back you go, the less rational and intelligent people were, and that they were on a long hike to where we are now. This might be true. But they assume that it is true, which is why Thom’s work was more or less anathema to the profession.

Part of the problem is that we have a different model of what rational thought is, from what was understood to be rational thought in antiquity. There is a large grey zone between the two which is mostly unknown to both archaeologists and the historians of ideas, and issues relating to that zone are very rarely discussed. Archaeologists also like to go looking for what they expect to find, rather than what they ‘know’ isn’t there. So things which don’t fit, don’t get a lot of attention. But you don’t know what doesn’t exist by not being open to evidence which might not support your argument. Impossibilities need to be considered, even if only to decisively rule them out. Alexander Thom provided one of those impossibilities, and it is still on the table, even if most of the archaeological profession is ignoring it.

Did Alexander Thom discover the megalithic yard in his surveys of the megalithic circles? Certainly the measure was there, looked at from a phenomenological and statistical point of view. But he didn’t have any inside understanding of how the megalith builders thought about their constructions. He reported what he saw. But what you see is not necessarily what is there.

As a mathematician, he knew logarithms, and knew about Euler’s number. That number, rounded up very slightly, in terms of the convention, is 2.72. Exactly the number which Thom identified as the basis of the megalithic yard, expressed in terms of English feet. There is, as far as I know, no evidence that the knowledge of this ‘coincidence’ gave him a moment’s pause. But it gave me pause.

I think that what Thom actually discovered in the British Neolithic, was the early presence of the English foot. And that that measure was disguised by its multiplication by Euler’s number. The reason for that disguise of the basic unit of measure will be explained in the course of what follows.

First, we need to explore how ancient priests in Britain might have known about Euler’s number.

Let’s look at that number, and its significance. I’ve borrowed from two Wikipedia articles – the first on Euler’s number a), and the second b) on logarithms:

a) The number e is a mathematical constant that is the base of the natural logarithm: the unique number whose natural logarithm is equal to one. It is approximately equal to 2.71828, and is the limit of (1 + 1/n)n as n approaches infinity, an expression that arises in the study of compound interest. It can also be calculated as the sum of the infinite series..
The constant can be characterized in many different ways. For example, it can be defined as the unique positive number a such that the graph of the function y = ax has unit slope at x = 0. The function f(x) = ex is called the (natural) exponential function, and is the unique exponential function equal to its own derivative. The natural logarithm, or logarithm to base e, is the inverse function to the natural exponential function. The natural logarithm of a number k > 1 can be defined directly as the area under the curve y = 1/x between x = 1 and x = k, in which case e is the value of k for which this area equals one. ….
e is sometimes called Euler's number after the Swiss mathematician Leonhard Euler …. Euler's choice of the symbol e is said to have been retained in his honour. The constant was discovered by the Swiss mathematician Jacob Bernoulli while studying compound interest.
The number e has eminent importance in mathematics, alongside 0, 1, Ï€, and i. All five of these numbers play important and recurring roles across mathematics, and these five constants appear in one formulation of Euler's identity. Like the constant Ï€, e is also irrational, (i.e. it cannot be represented as ratio of integers) and transcendental, (i.e. it is not a root of any non-zero polynomial with rational coefficients). The numerical value of e truncated to 50 decimal places is
2.71828182845904523536028747135266249775724709369995... 
So Euler’s number is intimately related to the idea of ‘one’, and is in a sense another representation of it. But instead of the representation being a rational whole number, this constant number is irrational in nature, and cannot be expressed in terms of a ratio of rational numbers. It is also a limit to which an infinite series tends, and it reaches that limit at infinity.

The history of our knowledge of logarithmic functions is relatively modern:

b) Logarithms were introduced by John Napier in 1614 as a means to simplify calculations. They were rapidly adopted by navigators, scientists, engineers, surveyors and others to perform high-accuracy computations more easily. Using logarithm tables, tedious multi-digit multiplication steps can be replaced by table look-ups and simpler addition. This is possible because of the fact—important in its own right—that the logarithm of a product is the sum of the logarithms of the factors.
I am not claiming that logarithms were known or used in the British Neolithic. I am suggesting however that those responsible for the stone circles were interested in the idea of infinite series, and knew, as consequence of that interest, the fact that such series tend towards a limit. That limit can be rounded up to 2.72. And that is what we now call Euler’s number.

So, if this hypothesis is correct (and to some extent I’m attempting to enter the souls of the priests here), why would they multiply these two numbers together, to arrive at what Thom called ‘the megalithic yard’? As already mentioned, making things ‘meet and agree’ is an interest arising out of the consideration of natural puzzles, where not everything is commensurable. The ancient priests and their scholars had a notion, arising out of the nature of some natural puzzles,that the natural world is full of irrational numbers, which by definition are not commensurate with each other. They also had the notion that these numbers are somehow commensurate with each other in some other place. Not necessarily somewhere conceived of as a physical space. The pythagorean triangles are an instance of this, in that, when subjected to a standard operation such as the squaring of their sides, they meet and agree. They can be represented meeting and agreeing in physical space also, but without representing one of the principal characteristics of triangles, which is that they enclose space.

The ‘some other place’ where incommensurate things are commensurate with one another cannot be seen, because it is not actually a place. Plato was careful to define the Heavens not as Eternity itself, but as a moving image of Eternity. I think it likely that the same notion was entertained in the British Neolithic. The heavens, however, as some kind of representation of Eternity, could be studied for clues about the nature of reality, hence the ancient interest in the Heavens.

But if Eternity is in no physical space, then it must be present all through the physical world. Not easily detectable, but often aspects of it could be manifest in physical instances. Some of which could be understood to meet and agree, even if represented in what is essentially a crooked representation of Eternity .I listed these things – abstract concepts – earlier in this essay. Hence the importance of wholes and totalities, and what is complete.

It follows that if Eternity itself is all through the world, then the nature of reality is necessarily two fold. Eternity is infinite, and physical reality is finite. But in fact the two are essentially the same thing, just viewed from different perspectives. We cannot see the infinite, but we can know that it is there, and that it is something which stands behind all sense experience. In which case, religious observance, expressed through the building of the monuments, and through ritual action, was about both honouring the underlying identity between the worlds, and healing the rift which exists between them. The major preoccupation of the priests was to bring more of eternal reality into the physical world.  

Eternity is one, whole, the totality of what is possible, and is complete in itself. On earth we can identify wholes as things which also belong to Eternity. In Eternity it is possible for all things which on earth are incommensurate, to be commensurate. On earth, wholes can be understood as things which are not irrational (such as whole numbers). But we can also represent a whole with an irrational number, which is the number which we know as Euler’s number. In Eternity both these numbers are commensurate with each other.

In multiplying these two numbers together, one rational, and the other entirely irrational, into the measure we know as the ‘megalithic yard’, they were attempting to represent in their monuments a state which properly exists in Eternity alone. A  state in which all things meet and agree.

Thomas Yaeger, February 13-14, 2020.

Saturday, 6 October 2018

Bringing the Divine to Earth. Writing to the Poet Leona Esther Medlin




I wrote to Leona Esther Medlin on the 26th of January 2018, and headed the letter, 'After the Bronze Age Wreck'. The letter is an update on where I was with my research. The original (rather squibish) article 'The Bronze Age Wreck' was shared only with one archaeologist in May 2013, since it depended very much on an understanding of the arguments in 'The Sacred History of Being'. That book was not published for another two and a half years. 

***

The focus of The Sacred History of Being is the presence of the idea of Being in cultures around the Mediterranean from the eighteenth century BCE onwards. Particularly in Mesopotamia. The date was chosen because it marks the earliest appearance in the archaeology of a standard symbol for divine Being in Mesopotamia.

It was obvious from Egyptian iconography (and from elsewhere) that the idea of Being is much older. I chose not to go back before this date however, for the purposes of argument. Or to go anywhere near Egyptian stuff, for obvious reasons.

I found in 2013 that it might be possible to identify the (functional) presence of the idea of Being in the Neolithic and early Bronze Age in Britain. How? There is no writing. Just lots of big stones in lines and circles. But as Alexander Thom’s surveys from the 1930s onwards showed, the circles betray a profound interest in various Pythagorean triangles, and in whole numbers (the circles are not strictly circular, and the circumferences are expressed in whole numbers). This is a form of writing, just writing in terms of number and geometry.

There are several ways of talking about Being, and one of the terms often used in antiquity to reference Being was ‘totality’. I wrote about this way of thinking extensively in The Sacred History of Being (hereinafter SHB). It was a major part of Pythagorean doctrine, and also in Mesopotamian thought. Plato discusses the idea, and in fact his whole argument about ascending to the Good and returning depends on the significance it was supposed to have.

I also wrote extensively in SHB about the installation of divine statues in Mesopotamia, and the connection between the idea of totality and divine Being. The installation process lasted three days, during which time the statues were pointed at the heavens, which was regarded as an image of eternity or totality. The rite was a rite d’aggregation. The statue did not embody the divine without the performance of this ritual: the statue need to participate in totality to be divine.

After seeing the documentary ‘Cracking the Stone Age Code’ in early 2013, it occurred to me that the mathematical and geometrical aspects of stone circles may have served the same sort of function as divine statues in Mesopotamia and elsewhere. The hypothesis was that in their construction the circles embodied aspects of divine Being on earth, and they therefore established a bridge between earth and eternity. 

In just a few days in May 2013 I wrote an extensive essay arguing this case. It had the title ‘The Bronze Age Wreck’. I called it that because the body of ideas which lay behind the building of the megalithic circles was lost to us, apart from a few clues. It seems also to have been lost to those living in the British Bronze Age itself, since the building of the circles more or less ceased around 1400 BCE (I’ve not written about that, but I think I know what happened. For another time).

The essay depended very much on a reading of SHB, so it wasn’t much use to circulate it. What I’m writing now is based on that essay, but readers are not required to have read SHB first.

In November 2016 I wrote another essay, called: ‘Stone Circles, Phenomenology, and the Neolithic Mind’. It discussed the archaeological evidence, Plato’s arguments about the heavens as an image of divine Being, and Mesopotamian ritual for the installation of gods, both in heaven and on earth. The essay was published on my website, and it received significant attention. It resulted in a commission in November 2017 to write about these ideas for the journal Time and Mind.

This article of 10.5 thousand words was written and delivered in four weeks, and it has the title ‘Patterns of thought in Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Britain.’ It was quite different from the first, largely as the result of a conversation with the philosopher Adrian Moore across the year, which moved from ideas of Being in antiquity to Greek discussion and understanding of irrational numbers. This discussion prompted a general review of Pythagorean mathematics, and the sources. In the end, the new article suggested that there was a connection between mathematical and geometrical puzzles and paradoxes, and the idea of a transcendent reality (divine Being) standing behind appearance. The article also argued that Pythagoras travelled widely, borrowing much of what later became known as Pythagoreanism from priestly establishments in Babylonia, Egypt, Phoenicia, and other places. What he was doing involved looking for a universal substructure of number, mathematics and geometry which pointed to the nature of Being.

Shortly after this paper was completed in December 2017, I wrote a post for my website which discussed the two papers on stone circles and Pythagoreanism from 2016 and 2017. It is titled: ‘Thought in Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Britain’. It contains the abstract for the paper intended for the journal, and thirteen section headings, but no actual quotations from the body of the text.

Earlier in 2017 I was asked for a copy of a paper – ‘The Esoteric Conception of Divinity in the Ancient World’, published in the Bibliotheca Philosophica Hermetica Newsletter in December 2015. The inquirer was Nico Bader, who runs the Pythagoras Foundation in Amsterdam. I wrote to him sometime after forwarding the paper, suggesting that he might be interested in looking at the two posts on the web concerning stone circles and their significance. He found this line of research to be interesting. Yesterday he offered to summarise the argument in these posts for the Pythagoras Foundation’s Newsletter (number 23), which will be published in March. The newsletter (it is a bit more than that) is read by everyone who is seriously interested in Pythagoras and Pythagoreanism. If Time and Mind publishes ‘Patterns of Thought in Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Britain’ in their upcoming issue, both will items will appear in March.

January 26, 2018.

***
Stone Circles, Phenomenology, and the Neolithic Mind: http://shrineinthesea.blogspot.co.uk/2016/11/stone-circles-phenomenology-and.html
Thought in Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Britain (now retitled 'Being and Eternity in the Neolithic'): http://shrineinthesea.blogspot.co.uk/2017/12/patterns-of-thought-in-late-neolithic.html
‘Cracking the Stone Age Code’ (the original BBC Chronicle documentary, broadcast in October 1970, which I didn’t see until early 2013. Worth 50 minutes of your time on a wet Sunday: http://www.bbc.co.uk/archive/chronicle/8604.shtml

[The article 'Patterns of Thought in Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Britain' was rejected  by the editorial board of the journal 'Time and Mind'. It is available here. All about what a pre-pythagorean pythagoreanism might have meant in the context of the British Neolithic. Nico Bader, on the other hand, did follow through with publishing his summaries of my posts. At: https://www.academia.edu/36071620/PYTHAGORAS_FOUNDATION_NEWSLETTER_23_2018.pdf]

[Updated May 13, 2020]

Sunday, 19 August 2018

The Time Bomb Under Archaeology





Text from the Spectator archive, November 14, 1970. The programme was broadcast on October 31, 1970 (the Spectator came out once a fortnight). An edited excerpt from their review of TV programming. It is coming up for fifty years since the programme was broadcast, and the 'time-bomb under archaeology' may be about to explode. There is new information.

Magnus Magnusson wrote and narrated an excellent programme about even older good old days, four thousand years ago, when some of the natives of these islands were 'prehistoric Einsteins.' Chronicle: Cracking The Stone Age Code' (BBC 2) was about Professor Alexander Thom's study of megalithic mathematics and astronomy. Now seventy-six, Professor Thom, a retired engineer, has spent the past thirty years studying ancient stone circles. His measurements have demonstrated to his satisfaction that Stone Age man was no barbaric simpleton but erected stones in patterns founded on Pythagorean geometry two thousand years before Pythagoras.
Professor Thom discovered that stone circles all over Britain used a standard megalithic unit of measurement, precisely 2.72 feet in length. Using the crudest instruments, the Stone Age astronomer-priests were able to predict accurately various astronomical events, such as lunar eclipses.

Mr Magnusson suggested that Professor Thom's findings have put 'a time- bomb under archaeology.' Archaeological sceptics were given opportunities to voice their disagreement on the programme, but Thom appeared to be entirely undisturbed by expressions of dissent. Chronicle enterprisingly sent him to Carnac, a megalithic site in Brittany. His findings there fitted his British observations and demonstrated, as Mr Magnusson said, that 'there was an intellectual common market four thousand years ago.' Perhaps Malcolm Muggeridge is right,... when he says that our civilisation is in decline.

The original programme is available from the BBC Archive, and is an extraordinary time capsule from the time in which it was made. There was no consensus about the implications of Thom's work, or even that his suggestions about the basis on which the monuments were laid out were reliably rooted in Thom's phenomenological and statistical analysis.

Since then a resurvey of 300 of the monuments by Clive Ruggles, using a highly unorthodox and inconsistent methodology, has removed the need for archaeologists to engage with the implications of Thom's original study of the monuments. *1 This is because many of the things which Thom drew attention to are now understood by the archaeological community to be the product of a 'selection bias'. As the archaeologist Euan MacKie (who appears in the programme) has pointed out however, Ruggles resurvey was conducted in such a way that it could not possibly verify some of Thom's findings, such as the deliberate orientation of the monuments on foresights in the landscape, even if those findings were correct.

Thom was an engineer, mathematician, and an excellent surveyor. He detected some key components to the construction of the monuments, such as a near obsessive interest in whole numbers, and what appeared to be the use of pythagorean triangles in the laying out of the structures. Those aspects of the circles and ellipses he did not over-interpret, because he had nothing to go on. He reported on what he could see, and how the structures might have been laid out given those clear interests of the original designers of the monuments.

Being an engineer, and a mathematician, there were other things he must have noticed during his surveys, but for which he could offer no sensible explanation. And at the time this documentary was made, nobody else could have either. The phenomenological and statistical analysis of the monuments remains however as a remarkable body of work. There is more information in those surveys than meets the eye.

The interpretative frame has moved forward in the meantime. We know much more about the nature and origins of Pythagorean thought than we did - it is possible, for example, to understand Pythagoreanism as a way of thinking which is rooted in the consideration of natural puzzles. Such an interest necessarily has a bearing on the human response to such puzzles, which can be a religious response (and was, in the case of the later Pythagoreans). Many constants in nature are mathematically irrational, such as pi and phi, etc, which makes them a phenomenon of interest to those disposed to philosophical inquiry. These are staples of Greek philosophy. Such an interest also offers an explanation of how a Pythagorean way of thinking could have arisen so long before the advent of the Pythagorean sect we know from much more recent times.

***


1. Ruggles describes his resurveying work in a chapter in Records in Stone. His 'methodology', might have seemed to him to make sense at the time, but now it looks like what it is: an attempt to unsee a large body of unpalatable evidence for which the discipline of archaeology was entirely unprepared. It was about protecting an academic and cultural narrative, which then, as now, was firmly entrenched. [Records in Stone: Papers in Memory of Alexander Thom, edited by C.L.N. Ruggles, CUP, 1988]

[Readers of this article might be interested in reading Patterns of Thought in Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Britain, which explores the pre-Pythagorean Pythagoreanism which Thom said was suggested by the evidence. Much of Pythagorean thought was evidently derived from Pythagoras's travels around the ancient Near East, which are documented, and elements of Pythagoreanism might have been a staple ingredient of religious thought from the Neolithic onwards].



Saturday, 26 November 2016

Stone Circles, Phenomenology, and the Neolithic Mind



Some notes on the cultural context of Stone Circles, and the function of observations made with them.



[This is one of twenty-one essays in the book Man and the Divine, published in August 2018. The book is available in ePub format from leading retailers of eBooks, such as Barnes & Noble, Blio, Kobo, Itunes, Inktera, Smashwords, etc. Information about Man and the Divine can be found here]


How could we ever understand the function of these objects, in the absence of any contemporary account? Archaeology and scholarship have been applied to the problem of these mysterious objects, but we are apparently still none the wiser. When it was first noticed that these objects were in some way astronomically aligned, that was a step forward, but in fact the observation did not advance us much in understanding the function of the monuments. They mark rising and setting points, and other extreme positions, and so there is the possibility of a calendrical function.

It is hard however to imagine that keeping tabs on the seasons was a principal function of these objects. You don’t need to observe the heavens in any detail in order to know it is time to sow, and time to harvest. If you want to know the length of the year, this can be established with simple observation. After that you could tell that you were in midwinter or at midsummer, at least until the precession of the equinoxes and the imperfection of the quarter day at the end of the year gradually moved things out of kilter. And so leap years would be invented to keep the seasons roughly where they should be, and intercalary days and months would be introduced where necessary over longer periods of time. All this has been done elsewhere, and through time, in the context of relatively basic observations.

The work of Alexander Thom, who surveyed the megalithic monuments in Britain over a period of more than 40 years, from the 1930s onwards, confirmed to those of us with eyes to see, that indeed the circles have a serious astronomical function. He also confirmed that the circles, with their observational platforms and their distant farsights, often on hills and mountains many miles away, have in many cases, a fearful precision about them, whether these farsights mark the rising and declination of the principal stars, the rising and setting of the sun at different points in the year, the solstices and the equinoxes, and the peculiar movements of the moon at various points during the 19 year metonic cycle.

The main objection of the archaeological community to the acceptance of this view of the circles as sophisticated tools for the observation of the heavens and its movements is two-fold. The first is that there is nothing (beyond what these objects seem to show) which suggests to us that the megalith builders and their contemporary culture was concerned at all with precision. The second is that, even if the circles can be shown to mark certain astronomically precise points, we have no clue at all about why the megalith builders would want to do this. We have no understanding of the function and purpose of such observations, and so we can say virtually nothing about either the purpose of the monuments, or about the culture which gave rise to them. In other words we are no further forward in our understanding.

This two-fold objection is sound, at least from the archaeologists point of view. We have no contemporary description of anything at all from the time and culture of the megalith builders. We have no understanding of their intentions, and no understanding of the function of the circles, and it is unlikely that archaeological interpretation by itself will reveal these things to us. It seems to be gone altogether, and all we are left with is insupportable speculation. Perhaps it would be best to draw a veil over this apparently anomalous aspect of the past, since we can have no understanding of it.

Yet we do know that other cultures had a concern with precision, and with precise measure. Egypt is well known to have had such a concern, at least during some parts of its history, as the orientation of its temples show. Precision is a feature of Mesopotamian civilization, as exemplified in Babylonian mathematics; and Hebrew literature also contains precise descriptions of objects. Ancient Greece likewise understood precision (akribeia), exemplified in the design of the Parthenon.

What does this concern with precision mean? We can start from what we know, and throw off what we only think we know about the Neolithic mind. One of these presumptions is that intelligence and intellectual sophistication is relatively new, and that consequently these things are not to be found in the Neolithic period. If we presume instead that it is present, and in fact it is not, we will know our mistake soon enough. If we presume that intellectual sophistication is not present, and in fact it is, we will be left with the intractable puzzle we are attempting to solve.

I have argued elsewhere that, for both Greece and Assyria, the heavens, and what the heavens represented, were of particular importance for cult practice. Plato is clear that the heavens represent an image of divine Being, also spoken of as the ‘Living Animal’, created out of the materials of other gods, by the demiourgos (the ‘Living Animal’ is created by the Demiourgos rather than by God directly, so that there should be not too much of the divine present in the world). He is also quite explicit that the body of the ‘Living Animal’ was created with precision.

In which case astronomy is important for the understanding of divine Being. An infamously unintelligible passage in Plato’s Timaeus talks about the perception of images being possible only because the soul already contains exemplars of these. If the heavens represent an image of divine Being, then all other images are poor imitations, and we should direct our attention principally to the heavens. The soul represents the heavens most closely, and in antiquity was notionally the part of us which is most connected to the divine. It is the soul which recognizes divine knowledge when it is presented to it.

In ancient Assyria, part of the ritual for creating an image of a god (thereby conferring divinity on the object) involves the image being exposed to the sight of the heavens. As a god, it needs to have perception of Being, of which it is an aspect. We have this ritual from the reign of Esarhaddon (7th century BCE), who was the predecessor of Ashurbanipal, one of the last Assyrian kings, and the owner of the famous palace library, much of which is now located in the British Museum.

In the Republic, Plato argues that the philosopher should ascend to the idea of the Good, which is another way of referencing the idea of transcendent Being, by a series of connected images, without specifying what those images might be. These images, as imperfect representations of Being, are subject to change. Matters are complicated by the fact that the things which are imaged are also subject to change. Thus both subjective impression and objective reality are subject to change and uncertainty.

In his dialogues, Plato shows that most arguments about the nature of the ultimate reality fail – particularly in his dialogue most concerned with Being, the Sophist. Here the participants in the dialogue agree to accept that a communion between man and the divine must be granted to exist, even if it cannot be argued certainly to be the case. The necessity of this communion is vital to religion, otherwise it is not possible for man to connect with the divine, and therefore he would be powerless in the world in which he finds himself.

A key characteristic of ancient religion was that it entertained conjecture regarding knowledge of the gods. Plato refers to this in his discussion of the divided line in The Republic. We cannot know Being itself directly. We cannot know the lesser gods directly either, but we can understand some of the characteristics of these gods, though full knowledge is necessarily beyond our understanding. We can approach some limited understanding of Being via the images and descriptions of the lesser gods however, which is one reason why they were deemed to have some kind of reality.

This limited set of characteristics and properties emerges from thorough and precise discussion of the nature of ontology (Being), as the focus of human conjecture. This is quite clear in both Plato and also in what we know of the teachings of Pythagoras. The paradox of knowledge is the consequence of the idea that all knowledge is present in the divine, and that we only have knowledge because we have a soul. In other words, we can have knowledge as the result of the divine having a presence in us already.

Since the divine is transcendent, there must be only a limited set of properties of the divine which can have exemplars in the world of appearance (the mundane earthly world). These properties cannot be things which have no meaning or permanent reality in the divine world. Thus one would not expect arbitrary sizes and colours, for example, or things which are changeable and impermanent. Since the reality of Being is at the extreme of our understanding, and is in itself necessarily an extreme, those who would look for things on earth which are exemplars of the divine would look for things which were in some way extreme, and which exist in conjunction with other things which participate in the divine extremity.

In both Greece and Assyria (I suggest), during the inauguration of divine statues, the statues, which are treated as markers of divinity on earth, representing and, in some instances, creating divinity through the will of the inaugurators, were pointed at the sky at a key point in the ritual. This is so that the statues could see (and know) Being, as represented by the heavenly bodies. In the ritual from Nineveh, the gaze of the statue is pointed at different parts of the sky and different parts of the horizon, in a precise sequence.

So we have an understanding of what was understood to be taking place in such a ritual, once we have a clear understanding of the model of reality in which the ritual served its function. There is evidence from Mesopotamia that this conceptual model was in existence at least as far back as the eighteenth century B.C.E.

It is possible that this model of reality, essentially established through logical argument, was very widely spread, and was not confined to the near East, and was in fact something like a standard view for those who had the time and the liberty to think about such matters.

The evidence from the megaliths makes the importance of the sky very clear. The hypothetical argument to be tested here, is that also in Britain and around the megalithic world, the sky was seen as a representation of divinity, of Being. As an image of the divine, it was an image of totality itself.

The megalithic observatory, or temple, according to this hypothesis, was a device to embody aspects of divinity, of Being, actually in its structure, in the same way in which the gods in Mesopotamia might be invited to occupy their representations on earth.

What about this representation of divinity might qualify as capable of representation on earth? Not the motion of the planets in themselves, since they appeared to be subject to a degree of arbitrariness (with the exception of Venus). The most obvious candidates for the establishment of extreme rising and setting points were the Sun and the Moon – the most prominent aspect of the heavenly representation. The equinoxes would also be of interest, since these represent the points at which the Sun and Moon pass along the path of the ecliptic and cross the celestial equator.

The doctrine of totality is common to both Pythagoras and Plato, and also surfaces, much earlier, in Assyria, as far back as Shamshi Adad I, who reigned in the eighteenth century B.C.E. One of his titles was: ‘King of Totality’ (Shar Kishati). This doctrine makes it clear that many aspects of the world have something of a double nature: Plato argued for example that ‘greatness’ implied participation in ‘the great’. Likewise the divine reality is total, and participation in the divine reality implies the presence of a form of totality in whoever was regarding the heavenly representation of the divine. The sacred is, in some respects, always present in the secular. Both Pythagoras and Plato held that things only come to be by wholes through wholes.

We can now make a preliminary list of things which, if we assume an intellectual sophistication, born of a culture familiar with logical argument, would perhaps have been of particular interest to observers who were part of megalithic culture:

Extremity, Totality, Perfection, Completion, Invariance, Integral (whole) numbers, The incorruptible, Greatness, Rising, Setting, Beginning, Ending, Duration, Periodicity,  Points of transformation.

This list illustrates the sort of abstracted interest I propose the megalithic builders had in aspects of the world, which interest follows from the conceptual model of reality which I have described. All of these have exemplars on both the earth, and in the sky. These characteristics would, within this conceptual model, have been understood to provide points of contact, and a bridge to the divine.

A megalithic circle might therefore be conceived as a representation, in an abstracted form, of the perfection of the heavens, and of Being itself. It would demonstrate its perfection to those who had the understanding to see this for themselves, and would mark the extreme points of the movement of the heavenly bodies. It would be constructed only using integral values, derived where possible, proportionately, from the movement of the heavens in relation to the earth. It would be built out of the most incorruptible materials (most often stone), and where possible, the stone would remain unworked, as something which, in its natural state, already possessed commonality with divine Being. The stones would be large, since their largeness by itself represents unworldliness, and another commonality with Being. The arrangement of the stones would be the way in which this commonality would be reduplicated and intensified. Heavenly cycles would be embodied in the structure where possible, together with indications (in some cases) of their duration.

As we know from the studies made by Alexander Thom, the stone circles were built on the basis of various sizes of Pythagorean right-angled triangles, and laid out with ropes of precise length. The construction process was designed and executed in such a way that the circumference of the circles, whether truly circular, egg-shaped, or flattened, would always be an integral number of the units used. This interest in integral numbers seems to have been universal among the builders of the circles.  The connectivity the integral numbers opened to Being is the reason why this was important.

We are told by Julius Caesar (in his Gallic Wars), that the Druids, at the time of his arrival in Northern Europe, taught astronomy and mathematics, and held to a doctrine akin to Pythagoreanism. In fact this section of the text seems to belong to the Roman equivalent of the CIA factbook, so it is probably a fairly accurate assessment by those in Rome whose job it was to collect useful information about cultures around the known world, into which Rome was expanding.

There are strong parallels between the ideas of Plato and Pythagoras as has already been noted, and Plato is reputed to have made significant efforts to obtain texts from the Pythagoreans. Both regarded the world as the product of mind: both the transcendental realm of Being, and the world of appearance. So there is, at a conjectural level, a series of connections between the divine world and the world of appearance, which can be discovered. All other stories about the world are mere likelihood. Modern scholarship on Greek philosophy stops short of this understanding of Greek thought. Plato’s highest level of reality is never explored, and even the approach to it is left shrouded in mystery.

The presence of an articulate idea of Being explains aspects of Mesopotamian theology and ideas about creation, as well as illuminating aspects of Homer’s Iliad, which of course precedes both Plato and Pythagoras by several centuries. There are strong parallels between Greek and Mesopotamian ideas of Being, which I have explored elsewhere. Both cultures practice theurgy (though the term does not make an appearance until much later), and the theoretical basis for this is similar, in that the twofold aspect of creation makes it possible for workmen (under the direction of the king, who in himself embodies several aspects of divinity in his official position) to have their sacred aspect initialized, so that they can set up gods in heaven. They can do this because they have had divinity put upon them by the king who is directing operations, in conjunction with instructions from his diviners. This is possible because they already possess divinity and connection to the divine, though ‘they are blind and deaf’ to this understanding throughout their lives, as Esarhaddon tells us.

Thus, they, like everyone else, and the world, are representations and images of Being, and the divine reality.

What I suggest Plato is doing, during a period of intense cultural crisis in Greece, is transmitting in writing, in a scrambled and elliptical fashion, key aspects of a Bronze Age philosophy, which has its roots in the Neolithic in both Europe and the near East. The transcendental doctrine which is enshrined in his work is actually in plain sight to anyone who can follow his reasoning that all the merely likely stories are just that: no more than likely. The single argument which is not a mere likelihood, is counterintuitive, paradoxical, and beyond common sense. And it remains a matter of conjecture. This argument about the nature of the world used to be the apex of learning and knowledge. Reality is transcendental, and neither subjective or objective. Nothing lay beyond this fundamental understanding of the world.

If this argument is correct, then we can know what Neolithic man was up to, and in some detail. In short, for the intellectually sophisticated in the Neolithic period, the heavens represented, as for Plato much later, a moving image of eternity. To measure the parameters of this moving image of the divine was to know God, and to have knowledge of divine things.

What was once a complete and deafening silence is now filled with many voices. We can never know the words they used, but we can know what they talked about, since anyone who talks about Being, and the connections between Being and the world of appearance will talk about the same things, and come to the same sort of conclusions. Some of these arguments have a practical upshot in the creation of sacred sites. They would look for extreme points in the heavens, since the heavens comprise a representation of the divine. The extreme points of the motions of the heavenly bodies represent a connection between the extreme of Being, and the secular world.

The principal concern was the nature and reality of Being, and the nature of reality itself. All  philosophical instruction would have been designed to lead the neophyte, by dint of the repeated failure of argument to establish any solid and reliable conclusion within the confines of common sense, to the conclusion that the reality that we perceive is essentially transcendental in nature. And that the nature of the divine is a conjecture which must be held as just that, a conjecture. Anything less and it becomes an opinion, which isn’t real knowledge.

Many practices in the ancient world emanate from this perspective on reality. Sacrifice is one. The origin of the idea is that something which has been completed is connected with the divine, which is also complete. Even if the termination of life is artificial and precipitate. The idea is also reflected in the conversation between Solon and Croesus in Herodotus, where Solon, in response to Croesus, says ‘call no man happy until his end’. Divination by entrails also is based on the same idea, that by inspection of the entrails of an animal whose life has been ‘completed’ (even now we may say ‘totalled,’ to mean something utterly ended), something of the divine can be understood.

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[The BBC Chronicle documentary from 1970 - 'Cracking the Stone Age Code', on the work of Alexander Thom, is available to watch (complete) by clicking on the image at the head of this article.] 

Thomas Yaeger, November 26, 2016

This article eventually gave rise to another article which focussed particularly on the pythagorean aspects of the Neolithic and the Early Bronze Age. This new article uploaded on March 5, 2018,  'Patterns of Thought in Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age in Britain' is perhaps the place you want to go next.


Thomas Yaeger, March 6, 2018