Tuesday, 24 November 2020

The Prisoners in the Cave

 @SemprePhi drew my attention to the following book review on the 23rd November:

Phillip Sidney Horky, Plato and Pythagoreanism 2013. Reviewed by Simon Trépanier bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2014/2014-05-1… #brynmawr #philosophy

I responded in four short posts, which I’ve now augmented with further discussion.

@SemprePhi Hi. Thanks for the pointer to Horky's book and the review. Where to start! You cannot rely on Aristotle for accurate information about the Pythagoreans. Huffman has been occupying academic space for thirty years, and won't cross the boundaries. 1/

Note the whole argument is based on the idea that philosophy in Greece is an autocthonous development. Not invented elsewhere. I've shown that Pythagoras derived many of his ideas from Mesopotamia. And that these influences are reflected in Plato. They just don't want to see. 2/

Or they fear to step outside the accepted paradigm for fear of committing heresy, and having to pay for their sin. There is much information about what Pythagoras brought back from the east in Greek writing. But scholars don't know what it is, and why [it] is important. 3/

In order to stay within the acceptable paradigm, or 'episteme', they don't read the full range of sources which are available. Consequently it is difficult to make sense of the sources that they do read. If you read the full range of sources, it is an eye-opener. 4/

Philosophers and Historians are nervous about crossing the boundaries of their subjects, not just because of the risk to their reputations. They are happiest when sense can be made of what they are looking at. That sense isn’t always the sense that things made in antiquity. Modern scholars make fictions, and sit upon the pile they have made.

The philosopher Adrian Moore wrote a history of the infinite in 1990, and presented a series on BBC radio in 2016 on the same subject. Both discuss the problems and issues around the human response to the idea of the infinite. However Moore’s idea of the history of man’s relationship is strangely structured. Writing about the broadcast series I pointed out that:

We  get many clues about the Greek understanding of the infinite and the unlimited from a number of Plato’s dialogues, including The TimaeusThe SophistThe RepublicThe TheaetetusThe Laws, and The Parmenides. In skipping Plato, the first reference to Parmenides and his notion of the universe as simply one and one alone, is as an introduction in the first episode to his pupil Zeno of Elea, and his response to paradox. There is no discussion of Plato’s demolition of Parmenides arguments, no discussion of the Platonic forms, no discussion of the relationship of the forms to the form of the Good, which is another way of talking about what is infinite, and no discussion of what amounts to a different logical modality in the pages of Plato (where he discusses things passing into one another by means of their similitude), which is a way of understanding the relationship of finite things to the infinite.  

What Moore has constructed is a Catholic perspective on the idea of the infinite, since it is viewed from the perspective of Thomas Aquinas and Bishop Anselm. What made sense to those scholars, makes sense to Moore. Plato was largely unavailable to any scholars  of that period (with the exception of some sections of the Timaeus). But to write now about the infinite as if the writings of Plato are unknown to us, or of no importance to our understanding of the human response to the infinite, is difficult to fathom. I summarised part of this first episode of the series as follows:

Essentially Aristotle’s rapprochement, which Moore characterises as an attempt to make the concept of the infinite more palatable to the Greeks, involved dividing the idea of the infinite into two. As already mentioned, one of these was the potential infinite, and the second was the actual infinite. As outlined in the first episode, Zeno’s paradoxes depended on the idea of an infinite divisibility, which seemed to make the idea of any kind of movement impossible, since that would require a universe of infinite complexity. Zeno therefore regarded all forms of movement as illusion. Since in order to travel a certain distance, you would have to travel half the distance to your destination, and then half of the distance remaining, and then half of that, and half of what still remained, and so on. Which would result in an infinite number of steps. Which would be impossible. 

Aristotle’s response was that though the various stages of the journey could be understood in such a way, the stages were not marked, and did not have to be considered in making a journey. The idea of limit is however a crucial point. What Aristotle was saying is that there are two ways of looking at the idea of what a limit is.  Essentially there is limitation which is defined by what a thing is, and there is limitation which is not. In the first case the limit of a thing cannot be transcended without the nature of that thing turning into something else.

The essence of this argument is that there are forms of limit which can be ignored. One of which is the actual infinite: instead we should deal with the potential infinite. The actual infinite, by its nature, is always there. But we cannot deal with it. The potential infinite we can work with, since it is not always there, and spread infinitely through reality. So we can count numbers without ever arriving at infinity, or ever being in danger of arriving there. Moore mentioned that this conception of infinity more or less became an orthodoxy after Aristotle, though not everyone accepted that his argument against actual infinity was solid. Which is something of an understatement. Aristotle’s distinction between the potential infinite and the actual infinite is between what is, in practical terms, something we can treat as finite, and what is actually infinite. 

 

Moore has defined himself as an Aristotelian finitist, meaning that, since (he argues), man cannot deal with the actual infinite, only the potential infinite can make any sense to us. And so, much ancient discussion is swept away, as of very little interest or importance. This is why we cannot easily understand much of the intellectual world of antiquity. Instead we choose to write unflattering fictions about it.

I said that we cannot rely on Aristotle for accurate information on the Pythagoreans. This is not because I regard him as a poor scholar. Both Plato and Aristotle taught in the Academy in Athens. They were both dealing with a body of traditional doctrine (there are many passages where a comparison shows this – their discussion of the importance of the liver, for example). But they had quite different ways of discussing doctrine. Plato gives the reader real information about the subject, but hedges it about with other arguments, and sometimes talks in terms of images and myth (the account of the prisoners in the cave, in the Republic, for example). So his work makes sense to those who already know the doctrine, and intrigues those who don’t. Aristotle on the other hand, seems to have had the job of sifting through students to find those who might have the intelligence to  be able to grasp the essence of the doctrine (when properly instructed). He did this sometimes by constructing complex sophistical arguments which actually contradicted doctrine, and sometimes even rational sense.

Two examples: The first is Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics, originally a series of lectures, ends up concluding the gods cannot act in the world, but only contemplate. Imagine the response to that argument in the ancient world! Why did Aristotle argue like this? He was looking for students who could provide critical rational responses to the argument, and who could  see that it did not make any sense in a reality which was (at the time) populated by divinities expected to play a constructive role in the world. The second example is Aristotle’s comments on logical modality (mostly in the Metaphysics), which I’ve discussed elsewhere (in ‘Logical Modality in Classical Athens’). This also contradicts traditional doctrine which underpinned the human relationship with the divine. And not just in Greece. Plato discusses the logical modality which enables contact and engagement with the divine, and other authors do too. We ignore all of this information concerning doctrine, because we prefer the unfathomable shadows on the wall.

However, despite the occasional tricksiness of Aristotle, he tells us something important, which, if we are familiar with relevant texts by other authors, we can figure out. I quote again from my critical review of Adrian Moore’s broadcast History of the Infinite, concerning the arguments of Zeno:.

The idea of limit is however a crucial point. What Aristotle was saying is that there are two ways of looking at the idea of what a limit is.  Essentially there is limitation which is defined by what a thing is, and there is limitation which is not. In the first case the limit of a thing cannot be transcended without the nature of that thing turning into something else.

Aristotle’s discussion references the doctrinal view which is also discussed by Plato. Which is that there is an important connection between the idea of limit and the infinite. The infinite is just another way of specifying what is unlimited, and beyond the physical world. Paradoxically, it is the actual limit of what is, and what can be. This does not represent a retreat from commerce with the actual infinite, but actually tells us how that commerce was supposed to work.

However the physical and finite world is also full of limits. These sometimes function as boundaries, and serve to close off access. Some limits you can choose to pass beyond, and there are others which you cannot pass. And in some cases, because of the nature of the limit, it is the nature of the limit itself which allows commerce with the ultimate limit of everything, which is where the Gods were once understood to have their existence.

This is the most important thing to understand about antiquity, both east and west. For Moore, the actual infinite is simply something which defies our understanding. In antiquity, the actual infinite was something of vital importance, and which we could have commerce with through its earthlly analogues (totalities, completions, limits. etc). Aristotle, in talking about Zeno’s paradox, is referencing the key doctrinal point, which is that reality has a double nature. And that we have (if we are properly informed), a choice about how we respond to that double nature.

In modern times, we no longer have this choice, since the doctrine concerning actual infinity has been mostly lost, and in fact entirely lost to those who function in the modern successors of Plato’s Academy. We are stuck in a world that imagines it must deal with everything in terms of calculable finitudes. Effectively we are, to quote the Mesopotamian king Esarhaddon, “blind and deaf ” for the whole of our lives.

It was not always so.






Monday, 23 November 2020

'The Shout' and Other Stories

 


>Date: Sun, 20 Jun 1999 17:21:14 -0400 (EDT)
>From: mobydick@westerncanon.com
>Subject: Lecture Hall Message 22

>From: marie …….:

>Dated : June 20, 1999 at 17:21:12
>Subject: the Shout and Other Stories

>I am in fourth year at university in France and I am preparing
>a study on Robert Graves and the importance of fantasy,
>unreality in reality, and the flavour of 'supernatural' in his
>English short stories. It would be great to have some comments
>about that and about any link it could have with his poetry.

This is a particulary interesting question. Graves' short stories are quite different from most of his novels, in that the stories reflect aspects of his personal experience in a significantly modified form. The novels by contrast are reworkings of existing narratives, usually with some interpretative spin (Graves spoke of I, Claudius as an interpretative biography). His most famous short story is 'The Shout', written not sooner than his period of professorship in Egypt (and not, as stated by Graves himself in his 1965 preface to the Collected Short Stories, dating from 1924). Exactly why Graves wrote 'The Shout' is unclear: the couple in the story is loosely based on himself and his wife Nancy, but no known incident in his life up until its writing seems to fit. There is a later incident however, which does seem to reflect aspects of the story: the breaking up of Schuyler Jackson's marriage by Laura Riding.

In the Introduction to the Collected Short Stories Graves acknowledges that: "Pure fiction is beyond my imaginative range: I fetched back the main elements of The Shout from a cricket-match at Littlemore Asylum, Oxford." However elsewhere he says that the idea of the story occurred to him "one day while I was walking in the desert near Heliopolis in Egypt and came upon a stony stretch where I stopped to pick up a few mis-shapen pebbles; what virtue was in them I do not know, but I somehow had the story from them." [see Richard Perceval Graves, The Years with Laura Riding 1926-1940, Ch. 7: 'Seeing Ghosts'; and note 73 to the Chap.]. Given the way Graves worked his material, both accounts are likely to be correct, and 'The Shout' is a composite of these elements forged together in part by his unconscious (during the twenties Graves was heavily influenced by Freudian ideas, and wrote a book on the meaning of dreams). The story also reflects an interest in whether or not the soul is bound to the body during every moment of life - perhaps prompted by a wish to explain the phenomena of the shared dream, premonitions, and also ghosts.

My own guess is that the man with the 'terror shout', Charles, actually represents Laura Riding, who was in Egypt with Robert and Nancy. The story would therefore reflect the destructive impact of Riding on the relationship between Robert and Nancy. Except that, in the story, 'Charles' is exorcised by the breaking of the stone which holds his soul. In real life the outcome was quite different.

The same technique (incubation of an idea in the unconscious) seems to underlie much of Graves poetry. 'The Clipped Stater,' which is notionally about Alexander the Great, utilises elements from a number of sources, including events in the life of T.E. Lawrence. This braiding together of ideas could of course, in theory, be done consciously, but Graves felt that poets who wrote in this way, under the tutelage of the god Apollo, were frauds.

In Fairies and Fusiliers (1917), Graves included a poem (available on the web) which is an example of the fantastic intruding into reality: 'Corporal Stare'. It appears to recount an incident which happened during his time in the trenches: a man who had been killed appeared to Graves and his companions while they were having a meal:

Then through the window suddenly,
Badge, stripes and medals all complete,
We saw him swagger up the street,
Just like a live man - Corporal Stare!
Stare! Killed last May at Festubert.
Caught on patrol near the Boche wire,
Torn horribly by machine-gun fire!
He paused, saluted smartly, grinned,
Then passed away like a puff of wind

In the later Goodbye to All That Graves recounts an incident which seems to be the basis of the poem:

At Béthune, I saw the ghost of a man named Private Challoner... When he went out [to France] with a draft to join the First Battalion, he shook my hand and said "I'll meet you again in France, sir". In June he passed by our 'C' Company billet, where we were just having a special dinner to celebrate our safe return from Cuinchy... Private Challoner looked in at the window, saluted, and passed on. I could not mistake him, or the cap-badge he wore; yet no Royal Welch battalion was billeted within miles of Béthune at the time. I jumped up, looked out of the window, and saw nothing except a fag-end smoking on the pavement. Challoner had been killed at Festubert in May.
[Chapter 14 of the 1957 edition]

In the same passage Graves gives details of the civilised menu of the dinner: in the circumstances, an equally fantastic intrusion into the unreal reality of the war in France.

Not much has been changed here - perhaps because the incident has power and meaning in itself, in its strangeness, without the necessity of a literary metamorphosis to make the hair on the back of the neck stand. Graves has however altered the rank and name of the soldier, collapsing together the ghost and his reaction to the apparition.

Graves is unusual as a poet in supplying a good deal of useful detail about his working methods: to some extent his writings on poetry illuminate aspects of his prose technique also. I would recommend that you consult: the Collected Writings on Poetry, edited by Paul O'Prey, 1995; The White Goddess, (1961 edition); The Meaning of Dreams, 1924; and also Poetic Unreason and other Studies, 1925. Richard Percival Graves three volume biography is probably the best available for the study you propose, followed by Martin Seymour-Smith's Robert Graves: His Life and Work, 1982; expanded edition, 1995].

Sunday, 22 November 2020

Seven Days in New Crete



Date: Sun, 10 Oct 1999 23:00:15 +0000
Subject: Re: "Seven days in New Crete"

>I am an Italian university student. I am specializing in English
>literature at the University of Pescara, Italy and, for my thesis, I am
>preparing a study on Robert Graves' fiction... I have found this archive and I have
>thought to call for help. In a chapter of my thesis I have to tell about a Graves'
>novel, called "Seven days in New Crete", but in my country I was not able to
>find any news about it. It would be great to have some critical comments
>on this novel and any link it could have with another novel, called
>"1984" by George Orwell about the utopian thematic. I would be very happy
>if somebody paid attention to my help request. Thanks a lot, Alessandra.

Alessandra,

'Seven days in New Crete' is one of several works in which Graves explored his thesis that the original theological and social structures of the human race were matriarchal. In other words,that the principal divinity - in fact the only original divinity - was once 'The Goddess', and that, formerly, social organization had feminine characteristics, as contrasted with the 'masculine' social structures of the modern world.

The principal discussion of this thesis can be found in 'The White Goddess', first published in 1948. The idea first surfaced in 'The Golden Fleece'. It quickly dominated Graves thoughts, and 'The Golden Fleece' was put aside while Graves wrote the first draft of 'The White Goddess' (originally titled 'The Roebuck in the Thicket'). The matriarchial idea also plays a significant role in the novel 'King Jesus'. Graves translated Apuleius' 'Golden Ass' in the same decade, and Apuleius' work seems to have confirmed Graves in the belief that he was on the right track. The 'Goddess' is a key figure in Apuleius's novel, though in his work it is a specific goddess who is referred to (Isis), rather than 'The Goddess' of Graves' thesis.

The novel fits broadly into the category of science fiction, and explores a utopian future. Graves began planning a utopian novel in the summer of 1940 [see: Richard Perceval Graves' 'Robert Graves and the White Goddess': 'Work in Hand', p18] whose ideas of social and political organisation were founded chiefly upon former ideas of Laura Riding which he hoped would eventually inspire a 'practical organization of decent people'. He told his son David of his idea for the novel: David was however not impressed, and said that 'any practical organization of decent people would be suppressed at once by the government' and that he thought it 'time this Western industrial civilization was ended'. Possbily because of this criticism, the novel was laid aside for nearly seven years.

New Crete is divided into kingdoms, but powers of the kings are 'entrusted to them by their queens'. The governing principle is a custom based 'not on a code of laws, but for the most part on the inspired utterances of poets' who receive the guidance of the Muse (the Goddess). The system is run by women who 'act directly on behalf of the Goddess'. Thus women are 'naturally' treated by men as the superior sex. RPG comments that:

'This is a society living in harmony with the natural world; and each individual is allocated to one of the 'five estates' not by birth but by capacity. Money has been abolished; different villages have different social customs, so that one may live in a monogamous, polygamous, or even polyandrous society and yet be perfectly virtuous; there are even 'bagnios', brothels which it is no disgrace to visit, and 'where one goes when one isn't in love with anyone in particular but feels unhappily lecherous'; while war has become ritulalized into a kind of moderately violent rugger, so that the only deaths, apart from those by natural causes, occur as part of the ritual of goddess-worship.' [Richard Perceval Graves' 'Robert Graves and the White Goddess' p143-4].

'Seven Days in New Crete' is not in fact a serious utopia: its inhabitants are unhappy with its complacency and indifference: the New Cretans do not possess 'the quality that we prize as character: the look of indomitability which comes from dire experiences nobly faced and overcome'. Therefore the rulers have deliberately introduced 'a seed of trouble... since true love and wisdom spring only from calamity'. Graves novel is therefore anti-utopian.

On the face of it, there isn't much to connect Orwell's '1984' and Graves' utopian novel. They were both composed in the late 1940's, and both result from an anxiety about evident tendencies in the modern world. Orwell's literary sources included Wells, London, Huxley and Zamyatin (principally Zamyatin): I do not know whether or not Orwell read Graves' book. However both works are responses to the political and social dislocations of the early twentieth century. Both men wished for the creation of a new social order, but were rather pessimistic about the practicalities of this. Graves was particularly influenced by Laura Riding's ideas on politics and society during their time together, though afterwards he reacted against them: it is therefore interesting to speculate on the nature of 'Seven Days in New Crete' had Graves written it while still under the spell of Riding. It might have been whole-heartedly utopian in outlook.

Are there significant parallels between the novels? In both novels society is split up into different areas and levels, which have different rules of behaviour, as if they were autonomous societies: in Orwell's novel these are the 'zones of influence'; and in Graves' future society different areas of New Crete have different customs and mores. War has been ritualised in both societies: in '1984' it serves to underpin inequality and to soak up overproduction. Also, in both Orwell's and Graves' novels there is a social hierarchy: in '1984' membership of the oligarchy (the party) is presented as essentially non-hereditary - this is because the oligarchy's purpose is to preserve itself, rather than the families of its members; in 'Seven Days in New Crete' status is acquired on the basis of 'capacity'. Both societies continue because the ruling elite has the power to nominate its successors. Thus in both cases the society is totalitarian, in that all the reins of power are in the hands of a small oligarchic group, whatever the outward appearances of difference and diversity.

Both these novels owe a great deal to the circumstances of their creation, and looking at the context of their creation is probably the best way to make useful comparisons.

Friday, 20 November 2020

The Nazarene Gospel Restored




A response to an email inquiry about Robert Graves book 'The Nazarene Gospel Restored'. It dates from November 1999, and has been missing from the web for several years. The book has been reissued by Carcanet (2010), and edited by John Presley, though it is not currently available from them. However the reissue means that it is a little easier to find than it was. Its page is at: https://www.carcanet.co.uk/cgi-bin/indexer?product=9781857546675. There is a review of this edition by Peter Costello from 2011, at: https://www.carcanet.co.uk/cgi-bin/scribe?showdoc=1184;doctype=review



Thomas Yaeger, November 20, 2020.





Subject: The Nazarene Gospel Restored

Date: Wed, 10 Nov 1999 22:01:29 +0100
MIME-Version: 1.0
X-Priority: 3
X-MSMail-Priority: Normal
X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V4.72.2106.4


>I'm interested in finding "The Nazarene Gospel Restored"
>which I have been searching for a long time.
>I think it is part of a trilogy he wrote along
>with "King Jesus" and "Jesus in Rome". So far my
>search has been unsuccessful. I'd appreciate
>any information about this book.

The Nazarene Gospel Restored (published by Cassell, London, 1953; and Doubleday in New York, 1954) is one of the most difficult (but not *the* most difficult) of Graves' works to find. Estimates as to how many were printed vary: the largest estimate I have come across is 5,000 copies in all. I have seen only two copies for sale, one in Oxford, and the other in London, and I now own one of those. You may eventually find a copy through one of the specialist book dealers listed on the appropriate page of the Robert Graves Archive, or you may find it by pure chance (as I did). However, the book is available in academic libraries (there is a copy in the Mocatta Library at University College, London, for example), and it is also scheduled for republication in the Carcanet 'Robert Graves Programme' series in a couple of years.

It is not, as you suggest, part of a formal trilogy. The book deals with much of the same New Testament material, but it was written significantly later than King Jesus (which was published in 1946 by Cassell), and with the assistance of his co-author, Joshua Podro, a skilled Hebraicist and Biblical scholar. King Jesus by contrast leans heavily in the direction of the researches which produced The White Goddess: there is a good deal in the novel about Graves' ideas of the sacred king, and also the tree alphabet, for example, which does not reappear in The Nazarene Gospel Restored, though Graves had made the aquaintance of Joshua Podro by the time he came to write King Jesus.

Jesus in Rome is, like The Nazarene Gospel Restored, not a work of fiction, and also co-authored with Joshua Podro (published by Cassell in 1957). It might be regarded as an extended addendum to the earlier study of the Gospels.

One of the most interesting of the speakers at the August 1995 Centenary Conference in Oxford was Hyam Maccoby. He was there principally to acknowledge his indebtedness to Graves' work in the area of New Testament studies. Maccoby contributed a paper to the first issue of Gravesiana (June 1996) which was based on what he had to say at the 1995 conference, titled: 'Robert Graves and the Nazarene Gospel Restored'.Maccoby explains that:

In King Jesus, the main preoccupation of Jesus is to combat the Goddess. His death is the revenge of the Goddess, whose reign he has challenged in the name of Jehovah, the patriarchal God. All this has disappeared in The Nazarene Gospel Restored. Instead, Jesus is simply an apocalyptic Jew, whose aim is to fulfil the prophecies of the Old Testament about the coming of a human liberating Messiah, and thereby [to] release his people from slavery to Rome. His death comes about not in combat with the Goddess, but with the imperial power of Rome.

Maccoby also throws light on the poor reception accorded to The Nazarene Gospel Restored, pointing out that

From the standpoint of New Testament scholarship, The Nazarene Gospel Restored belongs to ... the Tuebingen school founded by F. C. Baur. This school of thought builds on the insight that the early Christian Church was split into two warring factions, the Jerusalem Church (sometimes called the Petrine Church) and the Pauline, or Gentile Church. ....The Jewish-Christians of the Jerusalem Church, on this view, regarded themselves as part of the general Jewish community, not as a new religion. They saw Jesus as a human Messiah... who never claimed divinity.... The Pauline Church on the other hand, had turned Jesus from a Jewish messiah into a Hellenistic saviour-god, substituting mystical identification with the death of the god for the Jewish belief in the revelation on Mount Sinai.. 
.
The Tuebingen theory was strongly opposed at the time. Maccoby argues that 'part of the opposition to The Nazarene Gospel Restored arose from the indignant conviction that Graves and Podro do were reverting to dangerous theories that had been safely scotched.' Maccoby also indicates that more recent scholars have brought new evidence to bear, showing that the split between Paul and Peter has a real basis, and mentions in particular S.G.F. Brandon.

The implication of the Tuebingen argument is that important political aspects of the life of Jesus and the activities of the various religious groups mentioned in the gospels have been downplayed, distorted, or even removed from the texts. Graves view was that 'many of the incidents in the Gospels have to be "despiritualised" in order to arrive at their historical meaning'. Paul made Jesus acceptable to Rome by depoliticising his life, and avoiding 'all awareness of Jesus as a claimant to the Jewish throne'.

The book is also short on the kind of scholarly apparatus one might expect in a work of New Testament exegesis. This has led some readers of the book to doubt that Graves worked from a base of thorough knowledge of his sources. Maccoby argues that the contrary is true, a fact which was shown by the libel action taken out against the Times Literary Supplement, which had published a hostile anonymous review. This review 'was followed by a correspondence in which the reviewer accused Graves of deliberately falsifying the Greek of a New Testament text. Graves was able to show that his textual scholarship was far superior to that of the reviewer, who had failed to take into account some important textual variations. The TLS eventually published an apololgy and the libel action was never taken to court'. Original sources are cited fully, but Graves was reluctant to become involved in dull exchanges with the views of other scholars: the consequence is that it has been too easy for scholars to dismiss the importance of the book.


Page first mounted 13 November 1999.