That is one way to tell the story. We tell
it like that because the three major Abrahamic religions are all monotheistic,
and are very uncomfortable with the
idea of polytheism, which, without knowing too much about its nature or
history, they regard as a species of error which afflicted the cultures which
preceded their existence.
Polytheism from this point of view represents a failure of the purely human intellect to
understand the nature of the divine. Polytheism is therefore a barbarous phenomenon, and is irretrievably associated
with all that is coarse and unintelligible in antiquity, along with the ritual
actions which have been jettisoned along the way, such as the sacrifice of
animals and men, divination by entrails and the liver, augury by birds, the use
of oracles, sacred prostitution, and so on. Even as a child I caught the rank smell of polytheism and its association with all other sins.
Polytheism was close to damnation itself.
The evidence however, can be read another
way.
'The Idea of Being in Israel' looks at a
variety of passages which refer to polytheism and the worship of other gods in
several of the books of the Bible. Some of these can be interpreted as
referring to experience of worship in early Israel, but other passages clearly
reflect the experience of Babylonian religion and practice during the time of
the exile. And we now know some interesting things about the scope and function
of polytheism in Mesopotamia which make it possible for us to change our perspective on religious developments in Israel. We now have some
notion of what kind of ideas were in circulation in Israel after the exile. And
these ideas, perhaps borrowed from Mesopotamian sources, if they were not already
present as part of the cultural milieu of Israel, were quite sophisticated.
The polytheism of Mesopotamia was not, as
might be imagined, a loose array of different cults, without essential
connection. This is not to dispute the long accepted argument that the ultimate
origins of the individual cults were likely to be local and tribal for the most
part, and that their importance changed over time. But Mesopotamian polytheism
in the 2nd and 1st millennia BCE, is not what it has seemed to be. The clue as to what is going on is in the properties and attributes
of their gods, not their names. These can be detached and transferred to other
deities, or shared, which process we can detect at work in the liturgy of the Babylonian New Year Festival, Enuma Elish.
These processes are not explored in 'The
Idea of Being in Israel', but in other chapters in The Sacred History of Being. There are two main points made by
this chapter however, which are relevant to our understanding of how divinity
was understood in Israel during the time of its existence in the 1st
millennium. The first is that there is rational argument about the nature of the divine and its worship going on, and the second is that the history of this argument has been garbled and reframed by later scholars who either did not fully understand the nature and scope of the argument, or otherwise chose not to understand it, for largely political reasons.
It is possible to read the emergence of monotheism in Israel as a
prolonged theological and philosophical controversy,
in which the nature of a deity without form, colour, and shape, similar in
nature to ‘the one thing’ that we should look to, as referenced by Plato, is
debated. This debate was mired in the complex politics of the time, with the
overbearing presence and interference of Israel’s neighbour to the north east,
Assyria. And so there was also a political aspect to the debate, which helps to explain some of the decisions that were made concerning representation and ritual practice, and sometimes their reversal or
modification, which we learn of in a number of the books of the Old Testament. The
treatment of images in the history of Israel (as we know it) is complex and
often confusing, which may reflect the confusions present in Israel at the
time.
A concept explored elsewhere in The Sacred History of Being is that the phenomenal polytheism of
the Mesopotamian states of Assyria and Babylonia enshrined a profound and noumenal monotheism, in that it had at its very core
the idea that it was focused on ‘looking to the one thing’, which was also, as
in Greece, understood as without shape, colour or form, and that this focus can
be traced back at least as far as the middle of the 2nd millennium BCE. That is
what the god Aššur actually represented, even when given shape and form. * 1
This may always have been an idea of the divine present in the
religion of Israel, or it may have been borrowed from Mesopotamian sources. However,
the violent struggle in Israel and the eventual triumph of the ‘Yahweh alone’
group, which compiled the documents in the Old Testament, mean that we do not know with any certainty the
nature of religion in Israel during the first half of the 1st
millennium BCE.
The documents - as we have them - tell us that there were other gods in Israel, both
Canaanite and foreign, and that there were prohibitions issued against their
worship. These prohibitions eventually took in religious iconography and religious
objects, and later images of any kind. In the end, private religious practice was
discouraged, save with a simple altar of earth. The final stage was the removal
of private worship of Yahweh altogether, and communion with the god of Israel
was centralised in the Temple at Jerusalem.
As discussed elsewhere in The Sacred History of Being, in Greece and Mesopotamia divine images functioned as a part of a complex
system, a chain of images of Being, to enable intellectual access to the most
difficult of all images which might be apprehended by man or god: the one true
thing, which is the nature of reality itself, and the source of all knowledge.
Over time, the polytheistic show was entirely
removed in Israel. The monotheism which emerged in Israel was necessarily no
longer about access to knowledge of the divine and its apprehension - a mental discipline - but about belief.
***
1. It is suggested that forms of polytheistic
religion which are built around a noumenal and transcendent monotheism should
be distinguished by a term other than polytheism, which restricts our capacity
to discuss the phenomenon without confusion. ‘’Eidetic-monotheism’ could be
used to define a monotheism which uses images to recall Being itself. ‘Monotheism’
would then indicate an idea of transcendent Being which is not accessible
through images, and is not represented in any way, as in Israel in the later 1st
millennium BCE. The term ‘polytheism’ then could be used to refer to
assemblages of gods which are clearly not intended to function as a way of
recalling Being itself.
I'm wondering if they took Ba'al and made him out to be evil - when actually he is really Yahweh.
ReplyDeleteChristine, hi. Really hard to say. Most OT texts are redactions from the 5th century BCE onwards, and were written (as we have them) by the victors of a hegemonic struggle among the Jews. We also can't say that Ba'al had much in common with the concept of Yahweh, for the same reasons. However, if the name is cognate with the Akkadian Belu (lord, applied to Marduk), then you might have a case. Thanks for your comment. Best, Thomas.
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